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‘Kaithi’ Movie Review: This Karthi Starrer Is An Action-Packed Thriller That Mostly Works

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Lokesh Kanagaraj’s Kaithi is mostly an engaging film that attempts to marry the traditional masala requirement in a Tamil action thriller with the aspiration to stay true to its genre. 

Filmed as a rescue road operation taking place through a single night, the movie’s narrative follows an unlikely team of a life-sentenced prisoner (Karthi) on parole, a police officer who has just busted a drug racket and a biriyani-catering youngster. They are on a time-bound mission to retrieve a drug consignment and save a bunch of top police officials who have been sedated by the mafia. For the emotional quotient, the movie includes an overlapping track where the prisoner is on his way to meet his daughter for the first time.

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The opening sequence might be one of the most exciting ones seen in Tamil action thrillers. In a Guy Ritchie-sque style, Kanagaraj quickly establishes the premise, his characters, their conflicting motives, the operation, its pay-offs and risks. By the time this sequence concludes, viewers are already at the edge of their seat. This edge-of-the-seat adrenaline rush returns during the climax action block as well. However, between these two high points, the movie appears to be too long and too repetitive. Even though it is evident that Kanagaraj has tried to keep the recurring action scenes diverse in their motive and style, they feel cyclical after a point and almost leave you with a sense of déjà vu.  

In action thrillers like Kaithi, the audience might already be willing to allow for a reasonable amount of logical jumps. Instead of taking advantage of this, Kanagaraj force-fits a logical explanation for several of the jumps. While these explanations are clever and well thought-out, their frequent appearance affects the smooth narration of the story.

Another issue with the movie is that while it interestingly sets up the hurdles for the central characters, the resulting pay-offs from crossing these hurdles feel underwhelming. This is primarily because the movie lacks an emotional core. While the action spectacle leaves you in awe, the journey of the central characters seems more operational than anything else. Kanagaraj is clearly aware of this and introduces the father-daughter track to make the audience invest emotionally in his narration. While this sentimental track could work as a standalone piece, it fails to organically fit into the rest of the movie and stands out like an afterthought. The other place where the movie attempts an emotional connection is between two young lovers but it falls even flatter.

More than the action sequences occurring through the 80 km lorry journey, the tension building at the Police Commissioner’s office and the action unfolding there were a thrill to witness. The audience in the theatre went completely berserk at the scene where AR Rahman’s Jumbalakka and Deva’s Metro Channel play out. Earlier in the movie, Kanagaraj interestingly uses a Yesudas song for ironic effect.

Karthi delivers his best performance, even though it seemed like his character was written in a one-dimensional manner.

In spite of the flaws that Kaithi suffers from, Kanagaraj is undeniably an interesting storyteller who has been pushing the boundaries of Tamil cinema. He might still be the best in the industry to narrate stories that have multiple threads converging, diverging or criss-crossing. Kaithi might not be as complex or smooth as his earlier Maanagaram (2017), but it is still enjoyable to watch him play with multiple storylines and their conflicting nature.

The movie is predominantly driven by male characters and the casting here is absolutely terrific. Karthi delivers his best performance, even though it seemed like his character was written in a one-dimensional manner. It is Narain as the vulnerable, desperate and upright police officer who steals the limelight in every scene with his nuanced performance.  The other impressive act belongs to George Maryan as the unassuming police constable who rises to the occasion and puts up a strong fight. 

Sathyan Sooryan’s cinematography is undoubtedly superlative. He completely takes advantage of the movie being set in the night and lights up the scenes effectively to convey their mood and aid the narration. The movie chooses to do away with songs but benefits adequately from CS Sam’s background score. He keeps it very Hollywood-ish and it works remarkably to multiply the adrenaline rush.

Although an engaging watch, Kaithi could have worked much better if it was shorter and tighter. In spite of Kanagaraj’s intention to keep the movie true to its genre, it seems too long at 146 minutes. The same movie at 100 minutes or less could have prevented the fatigue that sets in during the proceedings.


Didn’t Akshay Kumar Protest Against Stuff Like ‘Housefull 4’ In ‘Toilet: Ek Prem Katha’?

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A still from Housefull 4.

Is it UTI? Is it underwear that hasn’t dried in the past decade since they are in Mumbai which has just one season and that’s monsoon? Is it a warning against urinating on every ’90s hit by turning it into ladki-daaru-gaadi rap?

I’ve spent the past few days wondering why Akshay Kumar and what seems like half of Bollywood have been pretending to chop their crotches to promote Housefull 4.

My biggest fear was that, like music, they have run out of dance moves as well. That would mean they will now scavenge on steps from the ’90s to fill their films. (In which case, I’d like to file a petition to have Jhanjhariya, also known as Suniel Shetty’s tutorial on what happens to your stomach when you have chhole bhature in Delhi’s summers, be declared a heritage property that shouldn’t be messed with.)

So, in order to solve this mystery, I went to watch Housefull 4.

This film, like the other Housefull films, is about three middle-aged men who have as much purpose in life as the men who add women on Linkedin only to say “I saw you on Tinder”. They have some sort of a profession, but Akshay Kumar and Ritiesh Deshmukh’s primary job in the film is to make antacid commercial faces. Bobby Deol follows the guiding principle of his acting career and tries hard to make the furniture on the set seem like good actors.

Bobby Deol follows the guiding principle of his acting career and tries hard to make the furniture on the set seem like good actors.

The three women in the film — Kriti Sanon, Kriti Kharbanda and Pooja Hegde — probably took the film up as a motivational project titled ‘how to not ruin your make-up and humanity around dumb, sexist men’. I mean, do they have access to a toll-free number where the first caller gets patience free along with ten best-selling what-am-I-even-doing smiles? 

Harry (Akshay Kumar), Max (Bobby Deol) and Roy (Riteish Deshmukh) pursue the rich, attractive women so that they can marry them and get their father’s money to pay off their debts to a gangster. When they arrive at an old Indian fort town to get married, Harry starts getting flashbacks from a previous life, where the men were engaged to each other’s present-day fiancées. And then there’s some villain plotting to take their lives.

Housefull 4 may seem like a simple, crass film, but in reality it pushes you to consider deeper social issues. Like, say, if you had a lot of money that you simply wanted to burn, what would you do with it? I’d start a campaign for Twitter to have actual humans looking into women reporting handles for harassment and abuse, instead of sparrows or empty Coke cans or whatever else they have for the job.

Turns out someone with a lot of money chose to make Housefull 4.

 

Expecting the women in Housefull films to have better roles than animated ‘cavities’ in 90s toothpaste ads is too much. But in a year when many women have constantly spoken out about sexual abuse, making rape jokes in your film is more tone deaf that Sajid Khan’s whole existence, right? Let me your memory here.

Nana Patekar was supposed to be a part of the film. Days after Tanushree Dutta accused him of sexual harassment, Patekar was photographed with the entire crew, boarding a chartered flight to the shoot location. A few days later, Sajid Khan, who was supposed to direct the film, was accused of flashing a journalist. After many women protested constantly and tirelessly, both Khan and Patekar were dropped from the film. Some of the country’s ‘OMG-Bollywood-so-cute-yaaaa’ media also hailed Akshay Kumar as a true hero.

So watching this particular sequence where Kriti Kharbanda’s character falsely accuses Bobby Deol’s character of rape only to get him to be with her burns like biting into a chilli thinking it’s congealed bhindi.

Kumar’s character plots with Kharbanda’s character to make sure Deol decides to date her. So they drug him and plonk him on her bed. When he wakes up, Kharbanda pulls the sleeves of her blouse down and cries that a drunk Deol violated her all night like a monster. She says, “I am an abla, not a tabla.” So then, Deol is forced to ‘accept’ her as his partner. Who knows, maybe the method actor that Akshay Kumar is, he actually let his common sense leave earth and settle in Mars while shooting for Mission Mangal.

It doesn’t stop there. The film turns Johnny Lever’s character into a cross-dresser who says things like ‘I am ugly’ and asks Chunkey Pandey’s character ‘operation kaun karayega’, completely dehumanising the experience of trans-people by turning something as difficult as a sex reassignment surgery into a cheap joke. Lever, a cis man, dresses up as a woman, thrusting his chest at people’s faces and talking in a nasal accent, while chasing a man who seems disgusted at and terrified of him.

However, after you’ve been through the ordeal, you kind of realise what the strange dance move is. A warning. That watching this film would probably hurt more than hacking one human body part like your crotch would. Just for this, I nominate Akshay Kumar to make a potentially national award winning, social message-giving film on watching his Housefull films. Call it Torture: Ek Pain Katha.

  

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The Shiv Sena Published An Anti-BJP Editorial And Cartoon. But Why?

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Shiv Sena chief Uddhav Thackeray (left) BJP's Devendra Fadnavis in Mumbai earlier this month.

NEW DELHI—A day after the Maharashtra assembly election results delivered a setback to the Bharatiya Janata Party and not-that-bad numbers for the Shiv Sena, Sanjay Raut, Rajya Sabha MP and editor of the Sena mouthpiece Saamna has fuelled rumours about the future of the Saffron alliance by publishing an editorial and tweeting an original cartoon, both of which are highly critical of the BJP. 

The editorial, written in the tone typical of the Shiv Sena’s stridently critical style, noted that the Saffron alliance had lost 25 seats and warned the BJP that “this shows people have said beware, do not show arrogance of power!”  It also wrote positively about the Nationalist Congress Party’s performance, noting that the party has come back from the brink and the expected collapse of the Sharad Pawar-led outfit did not happen despite many leaders from that party joining the BJP. 

But the cartoon is more direct and appears to hint at the fact that the Sena has the upper hand over the BJP in the current negotiations. It shows a tiger (symbolic of the Sena) smelling the lotus (election symbol of the BJP). 

This cryptic signalling and absence of clarity about what party chief Uddhav Thackeray’s 50:50 formula comprises has fuelled intense speculation in Maharashtra’s political circles. 

Reports have emerged about a possible alliance government to be formed between the Congress and the Shiv Sena. This is in addition to the Sena demanding the Chief Minister’s post for Aaditya Thackeray, in the event of an alliance with the BJP. HuffPost India has reached out to Raut for clarification but he has not responded yet. 

10-Year-Old Missing Girl Given For Adoption In Punjab, Parents Fight Legal Battle

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CHANDIGARH — On May 11 last year, 10-year-old Pratigya Tepri went missing while playing outside her house in Ludhiana’s Jugiana village. The child was found by the police two days later. But she wasn’t sent back home. Instead, she was put up for adoption and four months later, she became Veeva, the adopted daughter of a couple from Gujarat.

This was despite her father, factory worker Gopal Tepri, having filed a missing person’s complaint in a police station just 11 km away from where she was found.

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Gopal and his wife Hema Devi fought a desperate legal battle for the annulment of Pratigya’s adoption at the Ludhiana district court which finally annulled the adoption and restoration of Pratigya to her biological parents on October 19. 

Despite a week has gone by, Pratigya is still waiting anxiously at Ludhiana’s  Swami Ganga Nand Bhuri Wale International Foundation—the NGO that put her up for adoption—with no hope to spend Diwali with her family.  

Due to the delay in receiving the court’s order, she will be celebrating this Diwali inside the SGB Foundation home along with other missing and abandoned children as the SGB trust has turned down her parent’s request   to get the custody of their biological daughter. 

The case has exposed the gaping holes in the workings of various district-level agencies involved in the protection and adoption of children. While the Punjab government implemented the Centre’s Integrated Child Protection Scheme in 2011, it has failed to streamline the adoption process.

A glaring lapse in Pratigya’s case is the lack of coordination between the police, Child Care Institution and Child Welfare Committee. Set up under the Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act, 2015, Child Care Institutions—like the SGB International Foundation—house children who are orphaned, abandoned or victims of sexual abuse, trafficking, disaster and conflict.

Child Welfare Committees, governed by the same law, deal with their care, protection, treatment, development and rehabilitation.

This is reportedly not the first time such a lack of coordination has resulted in missing children being falsely declared ‘abandoned’ and put up for adoption. 

Pratigya’s ordeal may also be a fallout of the state clipping the wings of District Child Protection Officers, who are tasked with restoring children to their homes or rehabilitating them through programmes such as foster care, adoption and placement in Child Care Institutions.

Under the Integrated Child Protection Scheme, these officers were initially responsible for children up to the age of 18. But last year, the Punjab government brought them under the jurisdiction of District Programme Officers, who were only looking after children up to the age of five.  

What the law says 

This brings us back to the question of how Pratigya was put up for adoption despite her family having filed a first information report at a police station in the same district. 

A child study report by Arvind Kumar Singh, the SGB International Foundation’s adoption coordinator, says “Baby Pratigya” was found “abandoned” in Ludhiana’s Sherpur, that she was seven years old and that she had no recollection of her past. HuffPost India has a copy of the report.

However, the FIR filed at Sahnewal Police Station states the child’s age to be 10.

The Juvenile Justice Act states that the Child Welfare Committee must check the government’s designated national portal for tracking lost and found children to ascertain if any abandoned or orphaned child is a missing child. It is not clear if the committee in Ludhiana did this. Its members said they were not part of the committee at the time the case was decided.   

The same Act also says the Specialised Adoption Agency – SGB International Foundation, in this case – must upload the child’s photograph and details online in the Central Adoption Resource Information Guidance System within three working days of receiving the child. It must update the photograph every six months. 

Jasbir Kaur, president of SGB International Foundation, said they had uploaded Pratigya’s photograph on the portal but wasn’t sure when. “I will have to check the documents to ascertain if we uploaded her photograph before or after the FIR lodged by her parents,” Kaur said.

HuffPost India will update this report when it receives a response from the foundation in this regard.  

Ludhiana’s District Child Protection Officer Rashmi said her office had made several efforts to find out if Pratigya had family. “We released advertisements in national newspapers but no one turned up [to claim her],” she explained, but further added that she was not sure whether the advertisement was published in the city page of a regional paper or on national pages. “We tried to speak to the child but she was reluctant to talk about her family. Since we have a time period (up to four months) to put children in adoption, we went ahead after getting an NTR [non-traceability report] from the Ludhiana Police.”

In the case of missing children, the police usually issue a non-traceability report within four months. 

Though there is a detailed System of Procedures to be followed in the case of missing children, this seems to have been overlooked in Pratigya’s case. 

“I will have to check to see where the lapse, if any, happened,” Ludhiana Police Commissioner Rakesh Aggarwal told HuffPost India. “We take utmost care before giving an NTR to any of the specialised adoption agencies.” 

The Station House Officer Inderjeet Singh of Sahnewal Police Station told HuffPost India that the report pertaining to Pratigya’s case was sent to district headquarters.  

Despite this, the District Child Protection Unit of Ludhiana could not trace back Pratigya from its police records. 

‘Mentally challenged’ 

Despite these lapses, it didn’t take too long for the truth about Pratigya to be revealed and the process to reunite her with her family to begin. But this threw up another challenge for her biological and adoptive parents.

In their FIR, Gopal and Hema had stated that their daughter was mentally challenged and tended to run away from home. Gopal told HuffPost India Pratigya had run away from home four times before as well. 

“It started in May last year,” he said. “While playing with her brothers when her mother was at work, she started running away from home every second day. We even took her to a ‘sadhu baba’ as we thought she was possessed by an evil spirit.” 

However, Pratigya’s adoptive parents refuted Gopal’s claim. “She is a bright child. She knew about her family and even her home address from the very first day,” said Sheeba Mahendiratta, a legal consultant in Ahmedabad who adopted Pratigya after her only daughter left home for higher education. “She learned swimming in a few weeks. I think she was never asked about her family and that’s how she ended up as our foster daughter.” 

Gopal later admitted to having lied about Pratigya’s mental health. “When the police brought my daughter back the second time, they threatened to jail me if I did not take good care of her,” he said. “I was scared, so I lied to them that she is mentally challenged.” 

The long journey back 

Pratigya was with her adoptive parents for eight months before she tried to run away in April this year. It was then that Mahendiratta and her husband, Kamaljit Singh, realised the girl they had adopted was not an abandoned child as the Punjab Police, the adoption agency and the Child Welfare Committee in Ludhiana had told them. 

I will have to check to see where the lapse, if any, happened,” Ludhiana Police Commissioner Rakesh Aggarwal told HuffPost India. “We take utmost care before giving an NTR to any of the specialised adoption agencies.”Rakesh Aggarwal, Police Commissioner, Ludhiana

“She remembered everything,” Mahendiratta said. “While she remained aloof for a month, she soon started talking about her three brothers and parents. We were shocked. She even told us the name of the company where her father worked.”

Mahendiratta said they looked up the details of the company online and spoke to Pratigya’s father to verify her claim, “which to our shock we found to be correct”.  They then took her back to Ludhiana to be reunited with her parents, but were met with resistance.  

“We took her back to the CCI [Child Care Institution], which refused to take her back,” said Singh. “We contacted the CWC [Child Welfare Committee] in Ludhiana but they asked us to accept it as God’s will as adoption once made through proper procedure cannot be reversed. It was a nightmare.”

All this while, Mahendiratta and Singh were in touch with Pratigya’s real family. Finally, when they refused to keep her any longer, the Child Welfare Committee gave in and sent her back to the SGB International Foundation. There she waits for a happily-ever-after end to her story.

Greta Thunberg Issues Rallying Cry Against Facebook Over Lies, Death Threats

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Teenage climate activist Greta Thunberg issued a rallying cry against Facebook, saying she may quit the social media platform due to its failure to curb the abuse that is frequently leveled against her.

The 16-year-old from Sweden wrote in a post on Wednesday that “the constant lies and conspiracy theories” that are spread on Facebook about her and others “of course result in hate, death threats and ultimately violence.” 

“This could easily be stopped if Facebook wanted to,” Thunberg wrote, and the company’s failure leaves her, “like many others, questioning whether I should keep using Facebook.”

“I find the lack of taking responsibility very disturbing,” she added. “But I’m sure that if they are challenged and if enough of us demand change — then change will come.”

Check out the post here:

Greta Thunberg

Thunberg’s comment was in response to a video of Reps. Rashida Tlaib (D-Mich.), Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.), Katie Porter (D-Calif.) and Ayanna Pressley (D-Mass.) challenging Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg in a House Financial Services Committee hearing on Wednesday.

The lawmakers confronted the billionaire tech boss over his company’s failure to adequately police hate speech, its refusal to ban false statements in advertising, and its new digital currency project Libra.

Check out the video here:

Thunberg ― who this week had a new species of beetle, the Nelloptodes gretaenamed after her by scientists at Britain’s Natural History Museum ― is currently touring North America after sailing to the U.S. for the United Nations Climate Action Summit in September.

On her arrival in New York, she dinged President Donald Trump, who has called climate change “bullshit” and whose administration is pursuing an anti-environment agenda. “My message to him is just to listen to the science, and he obviously doesn’t do that,” Thunberg said at the time.

On Thursday, Thunberg said people have been impersonating her to gain access to political leaders, actors, singers and musicians.

“I apologize to anyone who’s been contacted ― and maybe even misled by this kind of behavior,” she tweeted. “I hope that those who want to sincerely reach out to me will do so using the recognized channels. The good news in all of this is that this just means we’re having impact. Activism works. And see you in the streets!”

Also on HuffPost

One Million People Jam Chile's Capital In Protest Against Government

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SANTIAGO, Chile — Hundreds of thousands of protesters marched peacefully in Chile’s capital Friday, intensifying pressure on a government struggling to contain deadly unrest over economic hardship.

The huge throng surged toward a central plaza as participants blew whistles, banged pots and pans and carried Chilean flags and posters demanding change. The diverse crowd included students, workers, parents and their children.

“All of Chile is marching here,” Santiago Mayor Karla Rubilar said, adding that there was hope as well as sadness among the demonstrators.

The official crowd estimate was 1 million, the mayor said.

“After what we saw in the streets of Santiago today, it’s hard to imagine a way forward that does not involve” the resignation of President Sebastián Piñera and new elections, said Jenny Pribble, associate professor of political science at the University of Richmond in the United States.

Piñera acknowledged the huge turnout of Chileans, saying they marched peacefully to deliver a call for a fairer and more supportive country.

“We’ve all heard the message. We’ve all changed,” he tweeted Friday night.

Also Friday, protesters tried to force their way onto the grounds of Chile’s congress, provoking an evacuation of the building. Police fired tear gas to fend off hundreds of demonstrators on the perimeter as some lawmakers and administrative staff hurried out of the legislative building, which is in the port city of Valparaiso.

Earlier, truck drivers and some public transport operators went on strike around Santiago. Thousands demonstrated in other parts of the country of 18 million people in a sign that economic concessions by Piñera have failed to ease public anger.

At least 19 people have died in the turmoil that has swept the South American nation. The unrest began as a protest over a 4-cent increase in subway fares and soon morphed into a larger movement over growing inequality in one of Latin America’s wealthiest countries.

The lack of leaders and a list of clear demands in the protest movement show the shortcomings of Chile’s unpopular, discredited political parties, said Marta Lagos, head of Latinobarometro, a nonprofit survey group in Chile.

“There is a failure of the system of political parties in its ability to represent society,” Lagos said.

Speaking before the huge protest in Santiago, she said she expected protesters to become more organized, and that it was unlikely that Piñera, who took office last year, would resign.

The protests, Lagos said, are bigger than any that occurred during the dictatorship of Gen. Augusto Pinochet decades ago or under democratic governments that followed.

Piñera served an earlier term as president, from 2010 to 2014.

On Friday, hundreds of trucks drove slowly on a main highway that skirts Santiago, where stone-throwing protesters have fought riot police for more than a week. Some Chileans in cars and motorcycles joined the protest, held to demand an end to private highway tolls.

Most car drivers pay between $35 and $130 a month to use highways around Santiago, depending on how much time they spend on the roads. Truckers pay much more because of the long distances that they travel.

Many Chileans earn between $560 and $760 a month, making it hard to pay for basic needs, let alone drive on the highways.

There will be no further highway toll fee increases this year under Chilean law, Transport Minister Rafael Moreno said.

Operators of some subway lines in Santiago also stopped service, further disrupting a transport network affected by burning and vandalism of stations in some parts of the city.

About 40 percent of Santiago’s metro was functioning on Friday, though several thousand buses have been deployed in an attempt to make up for the disruption.

Struggling to contain the strife, Piñera’s administration announced increases in the minimum wage and the lowest state pensions, rolled back the subway fare increase and put a 9.2% increase in electricity prices on hold until the end of next year.

Flanked by elderly Chileans, Piñera on Friday signed a measure that would raise minimum pensions of $150 by 20%, an increase that would benefit an estimated 600,000 people.

Most of the demonstrations over the high cost of medicine, water and other basic needs have been peaceful. But instances of arson, looting and alleged brutality by security forces have shocked many in a nation known for relative stability.

According to Chile’s human rights watchdog, more than 2,000 people have been detained and over 500 injured.

The government has declared a state of emergency and imposed curfews in 12 out of Chile’s 16 regions.

Former Chilean President Michelle Bachelet, now the United Nations’ top official on human rights, will send a three-member team to Chile to examine allegations of violations, spokeswoman Ravina Shamdasani said in Geneva. The mission, from Oct. 28-Nov. 22, will be based in Santiago and will visit other cities.

Shamdasani said Chilean lawmakers had called for the U.N. office to send a mission and the government also invited it. Bachelet served two terms as Chile’s president and was Piñera’s predecessor.

Haryana: Khattar To Stake Claim To Form Govt As BJP Forges Alliance With JJP

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Home Minister Amit Shah with Haryana Chief Minister Manohar Lal Khattar

NEW DELHI — The BJP is all set to form a new government in Haryana after clinching an alliance with the Jannayak Janata Party, which won 10 seats in the 90-member assembly, by giving it the post of deputy chief minister.

BJP president Amit Shah announced at a press conference, held with JJP leader Dushyant Chautala, that the chief minister will be from his party and the deputy chief minister from the regional party.

Incumbent Chief Minister Manohar Lal Khattar is likely to be elected the BJP legislative party leader at a meeting in Chandigarh on Saturday and will then stake claim before the governor to form the government. Chautala is likely to be his deputy, sources said.

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“Going by the mandate of the voters of Haryana, leaders of both parties have decided that BJP and JJP will form the government together. The chief minister will be from the BJP and deputy chief minister will be from the JJP,” Shah told reporters.

The alliance is in line with the “spirit” of people’s mandate, he added.

Shah and Chautala were also joined by Khattar and other BJP leaders at the press conference.

Chautala said his party believed the alliance was necessary for stability in Haryana.

Khattar said both the parties had worked together in the past.

Sources said Shah had spoken to Chautala even before the results were out, following inputs that the BJP might not get a majority on its own.

Top BJP leaders moved swiftly since Thursday night to cobble together a majority in Haryana after the party’s tally fell to 40 in the state, six short of the majority mark. Most of the seven independent MLAs have also pledged their support to the party.

Majority of the independent MLAs are BJP rebels and several of them have given their letters of support to Khattar during a meeting at the residence of the party’s working president, JP Nadda, in the national capital.

The saffron party faced flak after controversial MLA Gopal Kanda, an accused in two abetment-to-suicide cases, announced his support to its bid to form the government in Haryana.

Senior BJP leader Uma Bharti appealed to her party not to forget its moral goals, a suggestion that it should not be seeking Kanda’s support for forming government.

Apparently on the defensive, senior BJP leaders ensured that they were not seen with Kanda even as other Independent MLAs were seen moving in and out of Nadda’s residence after announcing their support to the saffron party.

BJP’s Haryana in-charge Anil Jain said the party’s top brass would take a call on the controversial MLA’s support.

BJP leaders are also confident of lone Indian National Lok Dal (INLD) MLA Abhay Chautala’s support to its government.

Union minister Nirmala Sitharaman and BJP general secretary Arun Singh will attend Saturday’s legislative party meeting as central observers, Jain said.

Congress slams JJP, says will remain ‘B-team’ of BJP

With the BJP and the Jannayak Janata Party declaring that they will form a coalition government in Haryana, the Congress on Friday said it was now out in the open that the Dushyant Chautala-led JJP was and will remain the “B-team” of the BJP.

Hitting out at the alliance, Congress’ chief spokesperson Randeep Surjewala said it was now out in the open that the “JJP-Lok Dal (INLD) were, and will always be, the BJP’s B-team”.

“When the BJP wants to gain power by dividing the society, sometimes Raj Kumar Saini and sometimes the JJP-Lok Dal will stand as a puppet,” he said in a tweet in Hindi.

The public has now come to know the reality, he said.

Surjewala also claimed that it was truth that the Khattar government has not been given the mandate by the people.

“It is also true that the JJP asked for people’s mandate against the BJP and won 10 seats,” he said in a series of tweets.

It is also true that the JJP promised that it will never align with the BJP, Surjewala said. He accused the JJP of choosing power over promises.

Earlier in the day, Surjewala accused the saffron party of using allurements of money and power to get a majority and said a government formed through such means would be “illegitimate”.

The BJP has been decisively rejected and those who said they will get a 75-seat mandate have not even touched the majority mark, Surjewala said.

“They (the BJP) have no right to form a government. Defections are coming to play with allurements of money and power and of positions in government being the sole criteria for forming a government in Haryana,” he alleged.

Asked about the narrow margins of defeat of some Congress candidates and recount at some seats in Haryana, Surjewala said, “We all knew how money and muscle power and the ruling dispensation used the entire machinery to help certain candidates and the medium of recounting was used to defeat four-five Congress candidates.”

“Whatever they may do, finally democracy has prevailed and democracy has spoken. BJP has not been given a mandate to rule. Any government that the BJP forms will be an illegitimate and illegally constituted government,” he added.

 

In Haryana And Maharashtra, Caste And Farm Distress Mattered More Than Article 370 And Kashmir

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Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis (L) and Haryana Chief Minister Manohar Lal Khattar (R) have suffered setbacks to their leaderships for different reasons after the assembly election results were announced on Thursday. 

NEW DELHI—The Narendra Modi government’s decision to scrap the special status granted to the state of Jammu and Kashmir under Article 370 failed to yield the expected results for the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) despite its aggressive campaigns during the Haryana and Maharashtra assembly elections as several local issues and factors in both states were more important for voters, pollsters who analysed the recent assembly election results told HuffPost India on Friday. 

While the Jat community’s mobilisation in Haryana went against the BJP, the agrarian crisis, farm distress and high unemployment also weighed heavily on voters’ minds and influenced results in the two states, said the long-time election watchers.  

“There was an overemphasis on Article 370 and emotional issues,” said Kushal Pal who works at the Dyal Singh college in Karnal. Pal has surveyed voters during multiple elections, including the 2019 Lok Sabha election, for the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS). 

“The Modi factor’ worked very well for the BJP in the general election, but in state election, local, regional and personal issues are more important than national issues”, he said.

Prof Pal specifically mentioned a few issues which were on top of voters’ minds. “Unemployment and crime are high in Haryana. Agrarian crisis and rural distress are worsening. Also, identity politics worked against the BJP. They couldn’t factor in these things,” he noted. 

Sanjay Kumar, director of the CSDS, elaborated on Pal’s observations with his own analysis. “What dominated the minds of the voters and their voting preference was more the issue of their livelihood compared to the issue of nationalism, national identity,” he said.

Kumar then went to explain at some length why he felt, in this election, identity politics was at its “peak” in Haryana. 

After the 2019 general election, there has been talk that there is no space for identity politics now, there is only politics of development. But if you look at the verdict of Haryana, identity politics was at its peak in this election.Sanjay Kumar, Director, Centre For The Study of Developing Societies

“After the 2019 general election, there has been talk that there is no space for identity politics now, there is only politics of development. But if you look at the verdict of Haryana, identity politics was at its peak in this election,” he observed. 

“With every minister losing election, when the counting was happening yesterday, there was so much jubilation between INLD and JJP leaders, they were taking the pleasure that they have dealt the BJP a lesson. So identity politics was at its peak in Haryana in this election. If you look at how Jats have voted, they have voted in a very big way for the JJP and Congress. It’s not that their votes were scattered; in some districts their votes were with the JJP and in other districts, where the Congress was strong, Rohtak and Sirsa for instance, the Jat vote went with Congress,” the veteran election analyst stated.  

The Jat community is the dominant caste in Haryana. Typically, the post of Chief Minister is occupied by a person from the Jat community. However, when the BJP won the state in the 2014 poll, it appointed a non-Jat person, Manohar Lal Khattar, as the CM. This caused resentment among people from the dominant community, Kumar explained.  

Understanding the Maharashtra verdict

But in the case of Maharashtra, it wasn’t so much identity but regional politics and local factors and concerns that appear to have played a decisive role in influencing the electoral verdict, the CSDS director said. 

“In Maharashtra, it was about various local issues. In the verdict for Maharashtra, you don’t see a uniform pattern across the state, you have to see it across different regions. Here, it was more about the local issues more than Haryana. Local issues dominated the election. Different regions had slightly different issues,” he also noted. 

In a detailed ground report, based on interviews with several voters, analysts and politicians in the cities of Kolhapur and Pune, HuffPost India has reported how issues such as floods and farm distress, though they were of immediate concern for voters, were dislodged from the assembly election campaign this time in Maharashtra, thanks to the BJP’s aggressive emphasis on Article 370 and Kashmir as campaign issues. 

According to pollster and political analyst Rajeshwari Deshpande of the Savitribai Phule Pune University, the results clearly show that the way in which the BJP was conducting its politics after the victory in the 2019 general election—by “considering that state elections will be similar to the Lok Sabha elections”—was not logical. 

In a previous interview, Deshpande had explained how Article 370 and Kashmir being the BJP’s preferred campaign issues was consistent with the politics of “centralisation” that is being followed for the past five years under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah. 

Speaking a day after the poll results were announced, she said this had not really worked as the political party system in Maharashtra involved multiple parties which have their influences in select regions.

“In 2014, the Sena and BJP fought independently but they had to come together because that has been the nature of the political system in Maharashtra after the decline of Congress,” she noted.  

Deshpande also added that no party, including the Shiv Sena and BJP, have been able to completely replace the Congress. 

The party organisation for all political parties, including the BJP, has remained somewhat weak in Maharashtra. That then gives way to local-level contestation becoming important in assembly election.Prof Rajeshwari Deshpande, Savitribai Phule Pune University

“And so it is not exactly one party that people give their opinion about in Vidhan Sabha election. But it is more a configuration of various factors essentially at local-regional level. Like, this time, if you see, in western Maharashtra, NCP has performed well but in Vidarbha again, the BJP has done fairly ok although it has had certain kinds of setbacks there as well. Or in Konkan, it’s the Shiv Sena so that regional configuration is also there.” 

She summed up her analysis by saying that, “The party organisation for all political parties, including the BJP, has remained somewhat weak in Maharashtra. That then gives way to local-level contestation becoming important in assembly election.” 

As the election results declared on Thursday show, it is this local level contestation itself that proved to be the BJP’s Achilles Heel.  


Mental Health Toll Of Skin Conditions Gets Overlooked By Doctors, Survey Finds

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We should be able to confide in our doctors about all of our health concerns. But for many people with skin conditions, such as the one in five Canadians living with acne, bringing up related mental health issues with a physician can result in feelings of disappointment and shame. 

A recent survey by the British Skin Foundation (BSF) found that nine out of 10 dermatologists say that health care providers aren’t taking the mental health toll of having a skin condition seriously.

Skin patients often experience that they are not listened to or understood by their healthcare providers. The occasions that they are listened to and understood are rare and extraordinary,” Dr Alexandra Mizara, consultant psychologist and BSF spokesperson said in a statement.

Skin conditions like acne, eczema, rosacea, and psoriasis can all contribute to a patient's mental wellbeing, but are too often sidelined as cosmetic worries.

Beauty blogger Lex Gillies told Refinery29 that when she told her doctor how having rosacea made her feel, they didn’t provide much support. She felt “devastated” and “like I’d wasted the doctor’s time with something so superficial.”

Gillies isn’t alone in her experience. Many people have complained on Twitter about their doctors’ responses to their skin concerns.  

It’s not just what skin looks like; even treatment can adversely impact one’s mental health. Acne drugs like isotretinoin, better known by the brand name Accutane, have been linked to depression and an increase in suicidal thinking.  

Dr. Anjali Mahto, a dermatologist and author of “The Skincare Bible,” wants the public to be made aware of the mental health toll that doctors overlook.  

In May, Mahto posted to her Instagram, “Acne is associated with depression, low self-esteem, poor body image, bullying, shame, exclusion in the work place and even suicidal ideation. Yet, even though it is 2019, skin conditions are commonly overlooked as simply a cosmetic problem.

Canadian researcher recommends doctor-led prevention

The mental strain felt by those with skin conditions can be severe. A 2018 study led by Calgary researcher Isabelle Vallerand found that people were over 60 per cent more likely to report depression a year after getting acne than people with clear skin.

“This is the first study to show conclusively that acne can be more than just a skin blemish, and can have a substantial impact on mental health in the form of clinical depression,” Vallerand told CBC News.

Vallerand suggested that doctors take the preventative route when it comes to their patients’ emotional states and that they “should encourage any of their patients with acne to feel comfortable raising any mental health concerns to their attention, as these should be taken seriously.”

This early intervention might look like writing a referral to counselling services or a psychologist.

More on HuffPost:

Cyclone Kyarr To Intensify In Next 24 Hours, Heavy Rains Forecast For Goa, Maharashtra, Karnataka Coast

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An auto-rickshaw wades through a flooded street in Bangalore after rain showers on October 24, 2019.

The India Meteorological Department said that Cyclone Kyarr is likely to intensify into a severe cyclonic storm during the next 24 hours. The speed of gale wind reaching 90-100 kmph gusting to 110 kmph is prevailing around the system centre over the East-central Arabian Sea. It is very likely to reach 120-130 kmph gusting to 145 kmph on Saturday, the All India Radio reported.

Light to moderate rainfall at most places with heavy falls at isolated places is forecast over coastal districts of Karnataka, Goa and south Konkan and isolated heavy rainfall over north Konkan during the next 12 hours, the report said.

For the latest news and more, follow HuffPost India on TwitterFacebook, and subscribe to our newsletter.

IMD has predicted that the cyclonic storm will move towards the coast of Oman. 

Goa

The Goa government has issued a red alert as Cyclone Kyarr in the Arabian Sea has triggered heavy rains and strong winds. Goa University cancelled all exams scheduled for Friday and Saturday. 

Karnataka

An alarm has also been sounded in Udupi, Dakshin and Uttara Kannada districts of Karnataka. These districts are likely to receive heavy rainfall during in the next 24 hours.

The effects of cyclone Kyarr passing along the coast of Karnataka were felt in Dakshina Kannada district, with the entire region experiencing heavy rains throughout Thursday night and intermittent rains on Friday.

Several trees were uprooted in gusty winds that lashed the area, damaging houses in many places.

The IMD on Friday had predicted huge waves between three metres to 3.3 metres for the next 24 to 36 hours along the coast from Mangaluru, Malpe and Karwar. Fishermen have been advised not to venture into the rough sea for the next two days.

Maharashtra

IMD said that the cyclonic storm Kyarr is likely to bring very heavy to extremely heavy rains in coastal districts of Ratnagiri and Sindhudurg in Maharashtra in the next 12 hours and also cause strong winds.

An alarm, indicating ‘extremely heavy rainfall’, has been issued for Sindhudurg district. Squally wind speed reaching 55-65 kmph gusting to 75 kmph is likely to prevail along and off Ratnagiri, Sindhudurg, Raigad districts of Maharashtra as well as Goa, the All India Radio reported.

NDMA warning

The National Disaster Management Agency has released a list things to do and not do before, during and after the cyclone. You can refer to it below.

(With PTI inputs)

Millions Of Californians Brace For Power Outages As Wildfires Ravage State

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As multiple fires burn across California and strong winds are projected to blow over the weekend, utility companies across the state are cutting power and projecting further outages that could affect millions in an attempt to prevent more blazes. 

In Northern California, the rapidly growing Kincade fire — which has been burning since late Wednesday in Sonoma County’s wine country — had grown to nearly 22,000 acres, destroyed at least 49 structures and was only 5% percent contained as of Friday. 

Meanwhile, in Southern California, the Tick fire in Los Angeles had spread to more than 4,000 acres as of Friday and led to the evacuation of around 50,000 people around Santa Clarita. And two separate, smaller fires started in San Diego County on Friday, leading to more evacuations. 

The National Weather Service warned of “extremely critical” fire weather conditions in Southern California on Friday. It also predicted the coming of strong Santa Ana winds starting Sunday, spurring potentially more dangerous fire-fueling weather. And in Northern California, the Bay Area is expecting potentially “historic” levels of wind over the weekend. The agency issued a “fire weather watch” for Saturday to Monday, noting that winds were expected to be the strongest in the area since the 2017 deadly fires in Sonoma.

Electric utility PG&E in Northern California warned of potential blackouts that could affect more than 2 million people across the region, reported the San Francisco Chronicle. A PG&E map shows that most of its coverage areas are on “watch” for potential shutoffs to avoid more fires starting Saturday, with the areas affected by shutoffs expected to increase on Sunday and continuing into Monday. 

Further south, Southern California Edison already had power shut off to over 14,000 customers as of Friday afternoon, largely in LA and San Bernardino counties. The utility’s website warned of potential shutoffs to over 130,000 more customers. And in San Diego, which had two new fires start on Friday, the utility had cut power to over 5,000 customers by the afternoon.

California has been experiencing record-breaking wildfires in recent years. Earlier this month, three people died and dozens of homes were destroyed in two fires in Southern California. 

Some of the state’s worst wildfires ― including the Camp fire, California’s deadliest ever, which killed 85 people in Paradise last year ― were sparked when damaged PG&E power lines came into contact with nearby vegetation. Earlier this month, PG&E caused outrage after a blackout it implemented to prevent fires left about 2 million residents without power. 

“Let’s be real—in 2019, no community in America should be forced to endure an intentional blackout because an outdated electrical grid threatens to spark a devastating fire,” Sen. Kamala Harris (D-Calif.) said in a statement on Friday.

The presidential candidate noted that climate change is “exacerbating conditions” for fires in the state, but placed blame for the current situation of widespread outages on “years of poor planning and misplaced priorities on the part of PG&E.”

California Gov. Gavin Newsom (D) slammed the utility’s ”decades of greed and mismanagement,” which he said led to the recent widespread shutoffs and those potentially to come.

Gov. Gavin Newsom surveys a home destroyed in the Kincade fire on Oct. 25, 2019, in Geyserville, California.

Here’s the latest information on fires burning across the state: 

The Kincade Fire In Northern California 

The Kincade fire in Sonoma County wine country more than doubled in size from Thursday to Friday, ballooning to 21,500 acres as of early Friday. The fire, which was only 5% contained, destroyed at least 49 structures and forced officials to issue evacuation orders to about 2,000 people in the surrounding area. 

The fire blazed just a 30-minute drive north of Santa Rosa, where a wildfire burned thousands of homes and killed 44 people two years ago this month ― the deadliest wildfire in California at the time.

“It’s only been two years since the fires that devastated our community, and for many, this will be a very stressful and anxious time,” Sonoma County Sherriff Mark Essick said Thursday.

The cause of the blaze is currently under investigation by Cal Fire. However, PG&E told state regulators that a high-voltage transmission tower that had not yet been turned off in a planned power outage broke near the origin point of the fire about the time it started. 

Newsom issued a state of emergency proclamation for Sonoma County late Thursday.  

The Tick Fire In Los Angeles County

The fire ― which started Thursday afternoon in Santa Clarita, just north of the city of Los Angeles ― had blazed through 4,300 acres and burned multiple structures by Friday morning. Authorities said at least 50,000 people have been ordered to evacuate in the region. 

Newsom issued a state of emergency proclamation regarding the Tick fire late Thursday.

Two Fires In San Diego County

The Sawday fire started Friday morning, and had burned almost 100 acres and was only 15% contained by the afternoon. About 170 people were evacuated in the area around Witch Creek, about an hour and a half’s drive from the city of San Diego.

Meanwhile, the Miller fire, which started Friday afternoon, had burned about 37 acres as of 4 p.m. local time and had provoked limited evacuations about an hour outside the city of San Diego.

Comfort, Control, Conformity — Why Do Young Girls Play With Dolls?

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Porcelain dolls for children, dressed withcolorful hats and dresses in Prague market, sold as souvenirs.

In September this year, a doll was operated on by doctors in Delhi’s Loknayak Hospital. It was given an injection, fed medicines, and its legs were bandaged. The doll belonged to 11-month-old Zikra who had fractured her leg after falling off a bed and was protesting against her treatment. The doctors were told about Zikra’s intimacy with her doll, about how she ate her meals only after it was mock-fed. It was only after the doll was “medicated” in the presence of  Zikra, that she agreed to be treated. In a photograph published in Amar Ujala, Zikra lies with her plastered legs raised in a sling, beside her doll in the exact posture.

What does it mean for a young girl to consider an inanimate, mute object to be her alter ego? Psychoanalysts say that play helps children to explore and master their environment, but it is also true that ideas of gender roles and beauty standards are often transmitted to a child through toys. In her essay Child and Psychological Aspects of a Doll, Jasna Grzinic writes,  “A doll is a symbolic homunculus, little life, the symbol of that numinous that lies buried in all people.” Dolls are both comforting and uncanny – they look like humans, but are not.

My doll had blue painted eyes that didn’t shut when she slept. Her chest was flat and her body was without curves. My sister’s Barbie was the opposite, with her moving eyes, voluptuous body, lush hair and intriguing smile. She was the beauty coveted by the best boys in the school. My local doll was the heroine’s lacklustre friend.

My family lived in a colliery in Dhanbad, where my father worked for Bharat Coking Coal Limited. The rainy season there was one of overflowing drains, accidents in flooded mines, and snails creeping into the crannies of commodes. It was also the season of indoor games, scrabble and jigsaw puzzles. I played with my doll, stitched dresses for her from old saris, made her up, and organised weddings with a neighbour’s doll. Since most dolls were females, they married each other – our mothers throwing cosy parties with snacks and sherbets for these weddings.

I outgrew dolls when I was 12. After school, I would go out to play with other children in our colony. I was bad at sports but did it for companionship. We played cricket on a stretch of potholed, coal-dust laden road flanked by offices and cavernous structures that housed transformers and other machines.

One evening when I was 13, I went out to play with my neighbours who had gathered on the terrace for a game of cat and mouse. But something had changed. As I sat on the parapet, they moved to the adjacent terrace and pointedly started playing without me. It was TS, a girl who lived in the flat above us, and her brother, who had led the others in excluding me. She liked picking on me and passing snide remarks about how I looked and talked. “What are you going to do when you grow up?” “I want to be a cop like Kalyani in Udaan.” “You can’t evencatch a dragonfly, how willyou catch dons?”

From the next evening, I stayed indoors. I spent all my free time making a dollhouse. I used a wooden shoe rack and imagined it to be a four-storeyed house with a kitchen, two bedrooms and a living room. I converted spare wooden switchboards and fruit trays into beds, where my doll slept with her eyes open. I used dinner table mats as carpets, and attached pocket mirrors to toy tables to make dressing tables. A miniature clock was kept on a table, just like a real house whose inhabitants paid heed to the passing of hours.

The relationship between dolls, exclusion and lonely girls has long been the stuff of literature. In Katherine Mansfield’s short story, The Doll’s House, the titular object becomes a symbol of class and a site for exclusion. The Burnell sisters receive a beautiful dollhouse which they use to gain celebrity status, showing it off to everyone, except the Kelvey sisters, who are poor. Pecola, the young black girl in Toni Morrison’s The Bluest Eye, wishes for eyes like a doll because she thinks it will make everyone love her.

In Andres Barba’s Such Small Hands, the bond between dolls and girls take a sinister turn. Inspired by a real incident that occurred in Brazil in 1960s, the book features seven-year-old Marina who has recently lost her parents in an accident and goes to live in an orphanage. She is small, delicate, carries a doll always and has a prominent scar on her shoulder, like the mark left if an angel’s wing were removed. She is a mysterious and fascinating figure for the other residents, who can’t understand the symptoms of her grief, her refusal to eat, her quietness. One day Marina invents a game in which each night she chooses a girl to play the doll. The girl is stripped naked, dressed in a scratchy outfit, and made up. Others tell her their secrets and play with her passive motionless body. On the night Marina’s plays the doll, the inchoate passions of the girls turn loose and dangerous. “It was as though we’d suddenly gotten hungry, as if it were lunchtime and they’d said we were having fried ham and cheese, and we were overeager.” They mutter their secret desires in her ears, “Dolly, I broke off your hands and legs and I buried you with the caterpillars.” Marina dies and the girls play with her the entire night.

“Dolls accept everything,” Barba writes in Such Small Hands. A doll’s body absorbs acts of care as well as neglect and violence. In a starkly gendered world, it’s often how women are treated. In Alfred Hitchcock’s Vertigo, Kim Novak plays a living, breathing doll, who is dressed and re-dressed, her hair and appearance transformed by two men to fulfil their ends and fantasies. When the fantasy ruptures, she has to die. The shifting of roles between being a doll and a real person for many women is best expressed in Courtney Love’s song Doll Parts. Written after her first meeting with her future husband and rockstar Kurt Cobain, who gifted her a porcelain doll, the song addresses the contradictory personality of a woman who has to wear masks, control appetites and hide feelings. She sings of a girl who has a doll face but bad skin, a doll heart that aches, she has a doll mouth but wants to be “the girl with the most cake”. 

My mother’s first cousin was named Dolly because of her big round eyes. She and her elder brother were raised by my grandmother after their mother passed away. He was sent to a boarding school, after which he joined the Indian Air Force. Dolly, on the other hand, went to a local school in Ranchi and spent most of her time doing household chores. She was spirited, had the gift of the gab and a big, hearty, disruptive laugh. It irked my grandmother no end – Dolly refused to behave like her name. She was often forbidden from going out or interacting with men, her laughter locked inside a room. At 20, she was married to a man she had never met before. In a one-sentence story The Doll’s Alphabet, Camilla Grudova writes, “ The Doll’s Alphabet has eleven letters: ABCDILMNOPU.” Fewer letters, fewer words, fewer ways to articulate desire.

Jeanette Winterson’s novel Frankissstein explores the male desire for women to behave like an obedient toy, in a futuristic, AI-dominated world. In the book, a businessman called Ron, who is about to launch a new generation sex dolls for lonely men, describes the traits of one, “Deluxe has a big vocabulary. About 200 words. Deluxe will listen to what you want to talk about – football, politics or whatever. She waits till you’re finished, of course, no interrupting, even if you waffle a bit, and then she’ll say something interesting.” The rationale for a sex doll is that modern women don’t stay at home like they used to. “Women aren’t goldfish. They’ve evolved. But like my mum says, emancipation can be a problem for a man.” These dolls range from blonde to brunette to busty to sporty. They are hygiene checked, bathed and perfumed. “You can choose one of four scents – musky, floral, woody or lavender.” 

Customisable sex dolls heads on display at the Asia Adult Expo 2017 at Hong Kong Convention and Exhibition Centre in Wan Chai, Hong Kong. 

A month after I stopped going to play outdoors, my younger brother told me that he had seen my name chiselled on a playmate’s wrist. When my mother was informed, she went to consult an aunt, and the news spread. TS visited my house and seeing me cry, confessed, “I asked my brother to bully you because you look so lovely, exactly like a doll.” Instead of lovely, I heard weak and submissive. Over the course of months, I dismantled the dollhouse, gave away my dolls, and eviscerated the doll parts, the little life, that could have insidiously grown inside me. 

Ted Danson Almost Looks Thrilled To Get Busted With Jane Fonda At Climate Protest

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It’s rare to see someone look as excited as actor Ted Danson when he was arrested Friday at the weekly “Fire Drill Friday” climate change protest in Washington, D.C., along with fellow actor Jane Fonda.

Fonda’s arrest was the third in three weeks at the protest demanding urgent action to address climate change. She and Danson proudly showed off their handcuffs, and other protesters applauded as they were led away by police.

Fonda, 81, and Danson, 71, were among 32 protesters arrested for “unlawfully demonstrating” at the intersection of East Capitol and First streets near the Capitol building, according to police. They were all charged for “crowding, obstructing or incommoding,” reported the Los Angeles Times.

Danson quipped during his remarks to the crowd that he was Fonda’s “new trainee.”

The “Cheers” alum and star of “The Good Place” said he planned to take it easy when he turned 70, but “then I met Jane Fonda, who had her foot on the gas pedal and was not only 80, but was going 80 miles per hour at all times.”

Danson added: “She’s astounding, she became my mentor, and here I am about to get arrested ... It focuses your brain a little bit.”

Harvey Weinstein Saw A New York Show. Rape Survivors Called Him Out.

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Two comedians and an actor confronted Harvey Weinstein after seeing him attend a showcase for young actors at a bar in New York City on Wednesday night.

All three were reportedly booed, asked to leave or insulted for addressing the disgraced film producer and alleged serial rapist, as seen in videos of the encounters and according to interviews.

The encounters took place at Actors Hour, an event billed for young actors and artists and held at the Downtime Bar in Manhattan’s East Village on Wednesday night. Weinstein was there with an entourage of people, which reportedly included “young women.”

Amber Rollo, a comedian who said she insulted Weinstein off-stage Wednesday night, tweeted a video of her friend Kelly Bachman, also a comedian, confronting Weinstein while performing her set.

“The response in the room was not positive,” Rollo said in an email to HuffPost, describing the audience’s reaction to the verbal attacks on Weinstein. “I felt scared for my safety.” 

That video and Rollo’s tweets have since gone viral.

When Bachman took the stage that night, she noted that there was an “elephant in the room” and “Freddie Krueger in the room,” referring to Weinstein.

“I didn’t know that we had to bring our own mace and rape whistles to Actors Hour,” Bachman said as people in the audience booed her. At least one person can be heard telling her to “shut up.”

“Oh, shut up? This kills at group therapy for rape survivors,” she said in response to the negative reaction. Then she revealed that she herself was a rape survivor.

“I have been raped, surprisingly not by anyone here,” Bachman continued. “And I’ve never been able to confront those guys, so just a general ‘fuck you.’”

Bachman later told BuzzFeed News that seeing Weinstein during her performance was a “nightmare come to life.”

“It kind of felt like old-school Harvey to me — having his own table in a Lower East Side bar, surrounded by actors,” Bachman told the news site.

More than 70 women, including many actors, have accused Weinstein of rape, sexual assault and misconduct. He pleaded not guilty to charges of rape and sexual assault stemming from accusations of two women and was released from jail after posting $1 million in bail in 2018.

After Bachman’s performance, an actor named Zoe Stuckless yelled at Weinstein, calling him a rapist, as seen in another video that has gone viral. A woman can be seen asking her to leave, then Stuckless was ushered out. 

“Nobody’s really going to say anything,” Stuckless said while standing next to Weinstein’s table. “I’m going to stand 4 feet from a fucking rapist and nobody’s going to say anything.” 

The actor later wrote in a Facebook post that they couldn’t sit in silence and watch as Weinstein enjoyed a night watching “young artists be vulnerable on stage.”

“The more I sat there the more furious I was at all of our inaction,” Stuckless wrote. “This room was a microcosm of our whole community. And I couldn’t sit there and let him laugh. So I spoke up.”

Bachman and Stuckless didn’t immediately return HuffPost’s request for comment.

In a series of tweets posted Wednesday and Thursday, Rollo explained that she had also approached Weinstein after another person, apparently Stuckless, had shouted at him while crying during intermission.

Rollo, who says she also survived rape, called Weinstein “a fucking monster and told him he should disappear,” according to her tweets.

Then a person who was with the film producer asked Rollo who she was and called her a “cunt” before a woman who was sitting with Weinstein “gently guided” her out, Rollo said.

As part of his bail agreement, Weinstein surrendered his passport and agreed to wear a tracking device. In August, a third woman joined the pending criminal case against him, adding two more charges of predatory sexual assault to his case. He has pleaded not guilty.

A representative for Weinstein told The Hollywood Reporter that the producer was “out with friends” when the confrontations broke out Wednesday night.

“This scene was uncalled for, downright rude and an example of how due process today is being squashed by the public, trying to take it away in the courtroom too,” the representative said.

In a statement to HuffPost on Friday, Weinstein described the confrontation as “someone voicing concerns” and invited people to ask him questions if they had any.

“I am happy to address anyone’s questions, and I invite anyone to ask,” Weinstein said. “We should all be offered the courtesy to voice opinions and be heard, and to even get answers. Nothing happened other than someone voicing concerns. I am glad we all still have these rights.”

Rollo said that she has received an “overwhelmingly positive” response to her tweets on her encounter with Weinstein.

“I was really disheartened last night but the response online has helped a lot,” she told HuffPost. “Of course there is the occasional troll, but as a woman in comedy, I’m used to shutting them down.”

This story has been updated with Weinstein’s statement.

How South India Celebrates Diwali

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Rangoli at a home in Bengaluru, 14 November 2001. 

While in the northern parts of India, Diwali is a five-day-long festival that culminates with Bhai Duj, in south India the festival is usually a one-day celebration called Deepavali. 

In most years, it falls a day ahead of Diwali. This year Deepavali and Diwali are on the same day, October 27. 

Northern India associates Diwali with Ram’s return from exile to his kingdom in Ayodhya, and celebrates it as the festival of lights. In the south, however, the festival, also called Naraka Chaturdashi, is observed as Krishna’s victory over Narakasura.

Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana

People begin the day with an oil bath before sunrise. Elders apply oil on the heads of the younger family members. In parts of Tamil Nadu, it is customary to eat a bit of lehyam (a medicinal preparation).

People clean their homes and decorate them with kolam designs. Kolam is similar to rangoli but made using rice flour.

Offerings made to the gods include betel leaves, betel nuts, plaintain, flowers, sandal paste, kumkum, gingelly oil, turmeric powder.

People eat sweets, and crackers are burst in the morning.

In Andhra Pradesh and Telangana, while people celebrate the day as the victory of Lord Sathyabama over Narakasura, it also marks the closing of accounts for agrarian businesses. Hence, Goddess Lakshmi is also worshipped in the morning. 

Diwali lights

However, in Hyderabad’s Osmania University, students and faculty members mourn the death of Narakasura each year on this day. 

Students, some sections of the staff and former faculty members, including writer Kancha Illaiah Shepherd, have been celebrating the festival since 2011.

They say that the Narakasura was a Dalit king and a nature lover who was unjustly killed on this day. To mourn him, students erect idols of the asura and sing his praises. 

According to students, Naraka’s lore is not dated. In Telanagana’s Karimnagar and Khammam, Adivasis have been worshipping the asura for a long time.

Students and faculty observe Naraka Shoora Vardanthi at Osmania University in 2012.

Kerala

Deepavali is not a major festival in the state. According to Manorama, those who do observe the festival limit celebrations to the ritualistic oil bath and a special meal. In the northern part of the state, lamps are also lit in the evening.

However, from Alappuzha to Thiruvananthapuram, apart from lighting lamps, crackers are burst in the evening.

Karnataka

On the Karnataka coast, this day is celebrated with a ritual called Balipadyami. People worship the Asura king Bali who was killed by Vaman, an avatar of Vishnu, on this day. Part of the celebrations include farmers offering food around their paddy fields.

Nikhila Henry contributed to this article.


Camila Cabello Freaks Out Meeting Jason Momoa And Emilia Clarke On Chat Show

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Camila Cabello will never, ever, ever be the same after meeting “Game of Thrones” stars Emilia Clarke and Jason Momoa.

The singer-songwriter came face-to-face with the onscreen husband and wife on Friday’s broadcast of “The Graham Norton Show” on BBC One — and promptly freaked out.

“My Queen,” Cabello addressed Clarke, who played Daenerys Targaryen on HBO’s epic fantasy drama.

“I’m sorry. I would just like to say, I am the biggest ‘Game of Thrones’ fan in the entire world and my heart, literally, there’s a reason why I’m the only red wine on this table and it’s because I’m just freaking out to meet you guys,” she then explained to Clarke and Momoa, who played Khal Drogo on the show.

“I went through a ‘Game of Thrones,’ like, literally, finished all eight seasons in a month this year,” she explained. “It’s going to take me about the whole time of this interview to recover from this. I’ve never fangirled so hard in my lie.”

Check out the clip here:

Twitter users were also excited by Momoa’s entrance to the show, when he made a direct beeline for Clarke instead of host Norton:

Also on HuffPost

6 Shows/Movies To Watch On Netflix, Amazon, Hotstar This Diwali Weekend

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Shah Rukh Khan with David Letterman

1. Pose - Hotstar

One of the most gender-diverse shows on TV right now, Pose, celebrates the early years of drag culture in the US which leaves you both inspired and moved. It features a standout performances by queer icons Dominique Jackson and Billy Porter, for which the latter won an Emmy award.

 

2. David Letterman’s interview with Shah Rukh Khan - Netflix

 

 

The much-awaited episode has a characteristically reflective Shah Rukh Khan talk about his journey to stardom, his relationship with his mother, early ambitions of becoming a journalist and an engineer (who’d have thunk), and what he thinks of Donald Trump.

 

3. The Politician - Netflix

 

 

Ryan Murphy’s handsomely mounted show is a dark delight. About the naked ambition of a high school student who aspires to become the President of the United States, The Politician is both a satire and dark commentary on politics and what it takes to make it.

 

4. Succession - Hotstar

 

 

It’s the perfect extended weekend to binge on Succession, the show everybody is tripping on, with one Twitter user going as far as calling it “the reason TV was invented.” Loosely inspired by the Murdoch family, Succession is about the media moguls and their dramatic internal feuds.

5. The Laundromat - Netflix

 

 

Directed by Steven Soderbergh, The Laundromat features a star-studded cast that includes Meryl Streep, Sharon Stone, David Schwimmer, Gary Oldman, Antonio Banderas, and Jeffrey Wright. Loosely inspired by the Panama Papers scandal, the film has received mixed reviews, but is worth a watch for Streep’s performance alone.

6. Modern Love - Amazon Prime Video

 

 

Adapted from the popular New York Times column, Modern Love is a reflective show that captures what it means to be in love today. Featuring Anne Hathaway, Dev Patel, Tina Fey, Andy Garcia, Andrew Scott among several others, this is a show you don’t want to miss.

Mithai-Turned-Mishti: The Story Of Kolkata’s ‘Non-Bengali’ Sweets

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Indian woman feeding sweet food to her sister-in-law on the occasion of traditional festival

Sidharth Dudhoria’s days, as a child growing up in Azimganj near Murshidabad, would always begin with a sweet and a large glass of milk. It could be an almond katli in the winter, a laddu in the summer but there was always a sweet. 

Dudhoria, now a grandfather, makes no bones about his sweet tooth. His family once had a halwaikhana right at home. The Dudhorias are Sheherwali Jains, merchants from Rajasthan who migrated to Bengal around Murshidabad and Azimganj in the 18th century and became bankers to the nawabs of Bengal, the Mughals and the East India Company. Dudhoria is currently a director of Azimganj Estates.

His wife Sangeeta says when she married into the family it took her a while to get used to “meetha for breakfast”. Then one day she heard about a “neemus party” at dawn.

“I thought these people are crazy. One day sweet. Next day neem,” she laughs.

But neemus had nothing to do with bitter neem leaves. Milk with sugar mixed in it would be left in a large earthenware container overnight, the mouth covered with thin cloth.  At dawn the vessel would be opened, a little rosewater and saffron added and the milk churned vigorously. The delicacy was the foam, like north India’s Daulat ki Chaat, but lighter.

“The dew just gave it a different flavour,” says Sidharth.

A delicious sweet food (Kaju Katli)

Sheherwali sweets cannot be found in sweetshops in Kolkata. These days some women in the community, like Nita Jain, have started a sort of “home halwai” business.  Jain works 12-14 hours a day as it gets close to Diwali, churning out hundreds of orders of chhura goli, saakli, dilkhushal. “Kucch bhi ho, ghar ka ho (whatever it is, it needs to be home made),” she says.

As a Bengali growing up in Kolkata, I knew all about sandesh and rosogolla and mishti doi, the sweets that always featured on the “must have” lists of tourists visiting the city. But there exists another sweetscape that many snobbish Bengali families like mine often dismissed as just “laddos and kaju barfi”. We didn’t realize we were missing out on an entire world of gond ka laddoo, ghaal ka laddoo, mohanthaal, ghevar, sheera, satpura and so much more.

For many Bengalis, the world is infamously divided into Bengali and ‘non-Bengali’. When it comes to food the latter encompasses everything from north Indian tandoori, to western Indian dhoklas to even south Indian dosas and idlis. Popular ‘south Indian’ food stalls across Kolkata, for many years, also served typically north Indian chaats like papdi chaat, dahi bhalla, raj kachori chaat. To Kolkatans, it was all “non-Bengali”.  Sudipta Dey, who works in the Bengali film industry, had proper south Indian food at home thanks to her Malayali grandmother. But she had a difficult time explaining ‘papdi chaat’ was not typically ‘south Indian’ to some of her friends.  “Though there were some places like Komala Vilas (serving authentic south Indian food) kiosks serving idlis and chaats seemed to have made many of my Bengali friends mix up the roots of the food,” she says.

And so it is with sweets. In the popular imagination Bengali sweets were made of chhena or cottage cheese though many traditional sweets like khaja and sarpuria are not. Non-Bengali sweets were made of khoya or thickened dried milk and dried fruits and nuts and never the twain should meet.  

Indian Rasgulla or dry Rosogulla dessert/sweet served in a bowl. selective focus

“This predominance of chhena has given Bengali sweets a distinct identity which sweetshop owners promote but it’s also created a process of othering,” says Ishita Dey, assistant professor of sociology at South Asian University. The “non-Bengali” sweet remains the other’s sweet even if it’s been around for 300 years. Kolkata prides itself on being a city that welcomed all kinds of migrants – Jews, Armenians, Parsees, Marwaris, Sindhis, Tamils. But there was a constant process of us and them. Dey says that’s why instead of saying she works on Bengali sweets, she tells people she works on “the idea of sweets and sweetshops that happen to be in the geography of Bengal.” 

But it’s not just khoya versus chhena, the attitude towards sweets itself was different.

A traditional sit-down Rajasthani feast begins with a sweet and ends with papad. In Bengal it begins with a touch of bitter like shukto and concludes with sweet doi-mishti. There’s a reason for this says Shishir Bajoria, a Marwari entrepreneur who grew up in Kolkata loving his Bengali shukto. “Rajasthan is desert. We have cereals masquerading as vegetables like gatte ka sabzi. Sweet in the beginning created a blood sugar rush and that meant you would eat less,” he laughs. Bengal, on the other hand, was as Bankim Chandra Chatterjee put it “sujalang sufalang”. “You started with bitters to get the body juices flowing to increase your appetite because you had the means to feed your guests.”

When these migrants came to Bengal and discovered its plenty, their sweets diversified as well. “Where were mangos and coconuts in Rajasthan?” asks Sangeeta Dudhoria. Now the famous Murshidabad mango is part of a Sheherwali kheer made with green mangos just before they ripen.   

Plate full of gulab jamun, rasgulla, kaju katli, motichoor/bundi laddu, gujiya or karanji.

The Bengali pithe or rice flour cake has been adopted and adapted. “Unlike Bengalis, we stuff it with dal for savoury pithe and khoya for sweet,” says Sangeeta. Sidharth remembers when his aunt got married, the groom’s party was not content with one day of feasting. “My grandfather said stay as long as you like and no sweet will ever be repeated. They served one hundred kinds of sweets. After one month, the groom’s party finally left,” he chuckles.

But because most people made sweets at home these mithais did not quite enter the popular cultural imagination like sandesh and rosogolla and the iconic sweetshops that sold them. Those became storied like the sweetshop where Swami Vivekananda had a sandesh after he returned from Chicago or where KC Das sold his sponge rosogolla.

Many Bengalis do not realize however that some of their most  beloved sweetshops have roots outside Bengal. Ganguram, famous for mishti doi and tinned rosogollas, was started by one Ganguram Chaurasiya who came from UP to work for a zamindar named Kamala Prasad Mukherjee in the 1880s. “He looked after his cows and buffalos and used the extra milk to make sweets and the raja liked it,” says Rahul Chaurasiya, his great-grandson. “The raja gave him a plot of land to set up a shop.” Only later did Ganguram diversify into north Indian barfis and laddoos.  “But our challans were in Bengali and my uncle was a huge patron of Mohun Bagan football club,” says Chaurasiya. 

Sandesh is traditional bengali sweet dish prepared with cottage cheese.

Gupta Brothers is legendary for its Abar Khabo sandesh which literally means “Eat again”, a mélange of malai and rosogolla and some “secret ingredients’ says Siddharth Gupta who runs the original shop in the congested neighborhood of Chetla as well as a newer outlet in Kankurgachi, in the northeast of the city. His great grandfather Mahadeo Gupta moved to Kolkata from Sujanganj in UP, newly married, with Rs 300 in his pocket. He rented a 400 square foot space, set up shop downstairs in 1888 and lived upstairs.  The rent was Rs 5 a month and the landlord didn’t allow him to put up a signboard. But the hing kachori, halwa and jalebis became famous and his two sons, Lakshminarayan and Ramchandra followed him into the business though Lakshminarayan’s real passion was building radios and Ramchandra practiced homeopathy even while minding the store.  

Gupta says the sweet business is changing. “People have become brandomaniacs, they keep wanting something new, something unique.” Their Abar Khabo, created in 1974, now comes in litchi and alphonso avatars. “Once Diwali was all badam barfi and motichoor laddoos,” he says. Now Gupta Brothers showcases are a riot of chocolate browns, strawberry pinks and shiny silver foil feeding the Diwali rush with Kaju Smiley, Kaju Rocket, Badan Anjeer Boat and  Badam Baked Cassata alongside old standards like Kanpuri Laddu and Son Papri. “Tastebuds are changing, even rosogolla comes in flavours like mirchi these days,” says Gupta.

Motichoor Laddu

“You have chocolates in Diwali hampers, fruit juices and chips. If you are lucky you get motichoor laddoo from Haldiram,” laments food historian Pushpesh Pant. “Where is the khoye ki barfi daanedar? Desi homemade festive sweets are going into extinction. Diwali sweets were meant to be cooked at home. They were not chhena so they could last a long time. You could dispatch it to your daughters’ homes, students could carry it back to the hostel.”

Now Kolkata has bustling establishments like Tewari, started around Independence by Banwari Lal (Bappaji) Tewari, a UP-ite from near Lucknow. The first shop was in the  Burrabazar area of Kolkata where many Marwaris ran their businesses sitting on a white gadda on the floor. Tewari became famous for his hot milk and samosas fried in shuddh ghee and no onion-no-garlic kachoris and sabzi. Now it has lines out of the door for Diwali hampers with stores not just in Kolkata but in cities like Bengaluru, Mumbai, Kanpur. Neerja Prasad moved to Kolkata from Varanasi in 1973. “There we had 100 year old shops like Ram Bhandar.  I was used to lal peda, tirangi barfi, gulab jamuns made of mawa not chhena. At that time in Kolkata I only remember Tewari for that kind of mithai. Or you made it at home,” she says. But Kolkata had a large Marwari population and with changing times few had the patience anymore for sweets that took hours to make at home, usually the labour of mothers and maids. The taboo on eating bazaar food was also dissipating. And Marwaris had spread all over the city moving beyond the garden mansions of Alipore and the cramped lanes of Burrabazar. Sensing a market, the big guns like Haldiram (headquartered in Nagpur) and Bhikhaaram Chandmal (which started out as a bhujiawala in Bikaner) moved in. Since the 90s their outlets, some of them entire food courts,  mushroomed all over the city alongside local favourites like Chhappan Bhog and Gokul. And they keep coming. “Availability creates its own demand,” says Shishir Bajoria. “Before you couldn’t get these sweets outside a Burrabazar. Now even Ganguram is selling it.”

Close-up of a heap of gulab jamuns (a popular traditional Indian sweet)

But the memories of home-made mithai remain. Sidharth Dudhoria remembers dhanagra, a drink made with pepper and cloves boiled for hours, eaten with mirich, a caramelized candy sprinkled with black pepper. Maina Bhagat recalls Sindhi shops of Kolkata like Gyan’s, now gone,  and sweets like tosha, pieces of sweet dough dipped in sugar syrup which crystallized into snowy frost and churi, a powdery sugar, atta, ghee concoction she would eat with a spoon. “I’m putting on weight just talking about it,” she laughs. Kalpana Palchoudhuri, a Gujarati married to a Bengali recalls the smell of ghee wafting through the house as a maharaj with a fat belly made moong halwa or boondi. “The day before Diwali we had meetha bhaat, sweet saffron rice but we ate it with pakodas,” she says. 

“The very idea of what is a ‘Bengali’ sweet needs to be examined,” says Ishita Dey. “We need to get beyond this Bengali non-Bengali binary.” But some sweets do cross the divide. Palchoudhuri says her Gujarati family always carried mishti doi along with their own theplas and pickles on long train journeys. And at least one “non-Bengali” sweet has crossed over to the Bengali side says Bajoria. Freshly fried jalebis with a dollop of rich rabri are a hot favorite at Kolkata weddings these days.

TM Krishna On How Physical Labour Is A Trigger For Art

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File image of TM Krishna.

This is an interview with Carnatic singer TM Krishna which appears in Nine Rupees An Hour: Disappearing Livelihoods of Tamil Nadu.

Communities kept art forms alive, sometimes forcing it on the next generation. For the same reason, lots of artists have been stigmatised because their art ‘outs’ their community or caste group. To avoid caste oppression, the practitioners,— particularly their children—move away from the art. What can be done to keep those art forms alive outside of the casteist silos? Are there any successful examples?

This usually happens with caste groups that fall in the lower rung of the hierarchy. Most art forms in India are largely caste-specific with minimum expandable bandwidth. Across the country, caste is our marker, like ethnicity might be a marker in, say, Poland or other parts of Europe.

The answer probably does not lie with the art but with caste. Unless you engage robustly with the caste issue, you’re going to have this problem. You can have artistic engagements and conversations within each artist community, which essentially means within a caste group. But we also need artistic conversations to transcend these limits. And they are not easy or simple. One has to be very careful that there is no question of appropriation or condescension.

The other question is: How do we create an environment where you empower the community to feel proud of their art and culture? In my book Reshaping Art, I talk about the idea of identity and its inversion. That is, when you talk about the upper spectrum of the caste group and culture, identity needs to be collapsed. When you look at the lower spectrum of society, caste identity needs to be enabled and invigorated. An Arundhatiyar must own their identity and say, ‘This is my beautiful music.’ Then, the musician within the Arundhatiyar community will be respected. In turn, the community will also realise their cultural expanse.

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The issue with art forms that fall in the subaltern—and I don’t have clarity on this since it’s so complicated—is that, at one level, we need the art form to permeate and grow, but, on another level, you also wonder what happens to the community that held the art form. It’s what happened to the Devadasis—their art was appropriated.

That’s why I think empowering the community that already holds the art form is a starting point. No Dalit community is told that their cuisine is great, their dance is great, their music is great; that they are central to Indian culture. Can we get there?

The changing political and social climate is disrupting a lot of art forms. Kaniyan kuttu is badly affected by Sanskritisation of worship; bharatanatyam, after it moved into the hands of the upper caste, became a pay-to-dance-in-the-sabha thing; folk dances like poikkal kuthirai are marginalised by the advent of cinema sub-culture, among other things. Again, what’s the fix for this?

Everything is going to be appropriated by mass culture. If you belong to the top caste spectrum, you’ll proudly say, ‘Look, they took this from me. Carnatic music comes in the movies.’ The stand-up comic Alexander Babu said something very relevant in this context. He talks about a boy asking a maama in a sabha, ‘Isn’t this what Rahman put in his song?’ The maama says, ‘Yes da, you think they’ll give him Oscar for nothing?’ That’s a fascinating sociological statement. What they are saying is: Look, Rahman needs Naatakurinji raagam.

But, as you go down the hierarchy, it becomes more difficult because you don’t have the power to contest appropriation. And before we realise it, mass culture twists and morphs the actual practice. Gaana is subaltern fusion music that evolved in the city of Chennai; it’s a new culture, about a hundred years old. This art form has Urdu, English, Telugu, Tamil, and was originally part of funeral music. It is the voice of Dalits, manual scavengers and daily wage labourers. The lyrics traversed everything—politics, social moorings, ethics, morality, sexuality, conflict, oppression, protest and hope. Then, gaana moved from being sung at funerals to becoming an entertainment by itself. In cinema now, the item number is a gaana song. It has vulgarised the form as just a song for gyrating dance. Now, what songs do people want to hear? The gaana that is in cinema.

We need to accept that we cannot compete with mass culture, but we can make sure other narratives are powerful, alive, vibrant and engaged. How do you do this? One way is by giving local panchayats grants to sustain art and culture, particularly art that belongs to their localities. Here, you must have some cultural body in every panchayat. It shouldn’t just be about music; it could be about painting, dance, craft, etc. Then, creation of local art spaces takes place. 

Even if you want to look at it from the tourism perspective, the possibilities are phenomenal. Every panchayat becomes a place for people to see art, culture, music and dance. It’ll take you ten years to put this in place and will need more than just money and space. We need to instill pride in the local, distinct and unique subcultures. Heterogeneousness must be normalised, and sharing should be the basis of this new cultural initiative.

Folk artists often say that their art forms receive stepmotherly treatment. They are not given the space—culturally and socially—to perform, in the way that classical artists do. And monetarily, there is no comparison. Can this gap ever be bridged? And why is it important to do so?

Can the gap ever be bridged? I would like to say yes, but I really don’t know. The problem comes from what we value and want to project as valuable art and culture. Unfortunately, the culturally and economically privileged do not see folk artists as sophisticated or evolved. This unquestioned, discriminatory aesthetic practice is rampant, even among the so-called progressives. And those from oppressed communities who want acceptance among the cultural elite slowly give up or hide their own cultural markers in order to fit into the upper-cultural aesthetic space. Unless we address these anomalies, I am not sure how we can reach any sort of economic or social parity. The words folk and classical need to be entirely demolished.

A private sector bank will be happy to sponsor a Carnatic concert in Chennai. You know why? One, the bank knows that it caters to the middle and upper middle class who have money and many of whom are its customers. They’ll take a hundred tickets for privileged customers, and they’ll sell the rest. Two, they see being associated with Carnatic music as high culture. Suppose we say, instead, let’s have kuttu, they are not going to support it. Even the treatment, hospitality and honorarium given to a classical musician and a folk musician are disparate. It’s a complex battle. 

In Reshaping Art, you speak of art as a necessity or luxury. How does one explain the need for art—as we know it and consume it—to someone who walks seven kilometres for water? How do they respond and react to art? Is art for them also a leisurely pursuit?

Are we presuming that the person who walks seven kilometres for water does not sing? Or does not know dance? Painting on the walls of homes, the red and yellow lines in the door corners, and kolams, all that is art. So, every individual knows art, it is natural. They may not intellectualise it or even call it art, but they just “do”. The question of it being a necessity or not is irrelevant; it is life. It is people like you and me who decide that art is not needed for the poor; that sanitation, education and healthcare are priority. But how can any of this be offered if we do not enter the cultural spaces of their homes? Because within that home resides art.

I meant art as a leisurely pursuit, in the sense that we take time off from our daily life to consume art.

This argument is similar to how we have explained intellectual evolution. We moved from being hunter-gatherers to becoming agriculturalists. Once we did not have to travel so much to get food, our physical efforts reduced and we had time to do other things. This is the standard accepted model of how the mind developed. Many arguments on intellectuality come from this very unfortunate hierarchy. Like the often-stated point that only those who have leisure have time for philosophical or artistic pursuits. But others too, spend time on art. They go to village festivals, listen to kuttu songs and watch movies. So, everybody is engaging with some form of art in their lives. 

Don’t forget that people paint a mud pot before they use it. Why? Won’t rice cook otherwise? They do it because there’s an eye for the idea of aesthetic. And it naturally exists in every culture across the globe. The idea of aesthetics and beauty, however culture-specific it may be, has always been part of every livelihood engagement and it’s not linked to wealth. We link it to wealth only because we want to be highbrow about thought and culture. We are propagating a fraud. Therefore, we ask, why do the poor need art when they don’t even have time for food? But you can’t deny anybody access to art and culture in the name of poverty. One is to deny someone access. Another is to ignore the culture that exists within them. We do both. And then when their art and culture is dying, we say, ‘Oh no, let’s archive it.’

I think leisure itself is an interesting idea. Leisure cannot be associated only with extra available time. It’s a state of mind. You could have six free hours, and still not have leisure. When the person working eight hours a day breaks into song, how does that happen? The whole idea of physical work is quite fascinating. We—the upper castes and classes—have no clue about it. For generations, we got other people to do our work. What happens in the mind when you’re engaging with physical labour is the question we should be asking. 

I think physical labour is actually a trigger for art. Why did the fisherfolk sing? It was a way of changing physical hardship into a song. But they didn’t sing about physical hardship. They sang about the sky and the water, converting what could be painful into a celebration. Though they were at sea for seven hours to catch fish, they were smelling the air, celebrating the water, looking at the birds. They know everything about the shift of the wind, not just occupationally, but as people that are connected to the environment.

I think the problem here is intellectual elitism, of the idea of the intellect itself. The intellectual endeavour of art has been linked to its articulation. Intellectual endeavour of the art is about being within it. That is why subaltern cultures paint, sculpt, sing and dance. This is their pain and their celebration, and is what keeps them connected to all that surrounds them. And only leisure can produce it. This is true leisure, and this is found within, in the emotions and the experience, not in spare time.

Nine Rupees An Hour

Excerpted with permission from Nine Rupees An Hour: Disappearing Livelihoods of Tamil Nadu, Aparna Karthikeyan, Context.

Diwali 2019: In 'Lost Loves', Arshia Sattar Asks If Rama Knows He Is God All The Time

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Artists dressed as Rama, center, and his brother Lakshman during a Ramleela play in Allahabad on 21 September, 2017. 

David Shulman’s remarkable phrase that Rama is ‘the portrait of a consciousness hidden from itself’ provides the perfect entry point for a deeper understanding of this complex hero whose life seems to have spun out of control. Of course, Rama is an epic hero whose trials and triumphs conform to the tropes and structures of the genre in which he appears: he is a warrior who has to engage a formidable enemy in battle, he has to leave his homeland on a long journey that brings him back a changed man, he travels through parts unknown and seeks the aid of beings unlike himself to accomplish his goals. And through all of this, the hero has the special favour of the gods.

Because Rama is a hero whose story is told within a world of Hindu ideas, aspirations and constraints, his heroic tale is coloured not simply by the particular favour of Hindu gods, but bound by crucial and culturally specific referents. The hero’s battle with destiny is common to all epics, but the Ramayana and the Mahabharata further burden the quests of their heroes with boons and curses, karma and dharma. And, placing an even greater demand on the actions of the heroes, the Hindu epics layer their heroes with their own divinity. In the Mahabharata, Krishna knows he is god and reveals himself as such when the occasion demands it. In Valmiki’s tale of Rama, the question remains as to whether Rama knows he is god at all: Does he know that he is god all the time? Do flashes of his own divinity come upon him only at crucial moments? Does he know he is god only when others around him act as if he has the power to liberate them from their lives or situations? Or does he recognize himself as divine only when he is told who he is and when he listens to the story of his own life?

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The Bala Kanda weaves a long and complex story around the birth of Rama and his brothers who are engendered from a gift of food proffered by a divine being that emerges out of the sacrifice that Dasharatha is performing for the birth of sons. The food ensures that Dasharatha’s queens will produce sons who are avataras and amshas of Vishnu, born on earth to vanquish the mighty rakshasa Ravana. Here, the issue of Rama’s divinity is beyond question as it is clearly stated, but how this divinity will be manifest and how it will be made known to Rama and those around him remains open to storytelling, if not to theological debate. 

The argument could be made that there are two Ramayanas within the composition that is attributed to Valmiki – one which consists of the five middle books and the other which includes the Bala Kanda and the Uttara Kanda as integral parts of the story. It is also in these outer books that Valmiki himself appears as a character and a narrator of the great tale. We can reasonably suggest that the two Ramayanas tell two stories that differ on the crucial fact of Rama’s divinity and his own knowledge of it. In the story of the middle books, Rama seems not to know that he is god until the end of the war when the other gods descend to redeem Sita and tell Rama that he is Vishnu. In the story that includes the outer books, the Bala Kanda and the Uttara Kanda, the audience knows that Rama is god and it would appear that Rama knows it as well. This critical difference allows us to approach and understand the character of Rama and the nature of his deeds in very distinct ways.  

In the story of Rama that is bracketed by the Bala Kanda and the Uttara Kanda, there is nothing to suggest that Rama knows he is god. In fact, it is quite to the contrary: the story opens in the Ayodhya Kanda with Dasharatha considering abdication in favour of his eldest son Rama who is ‘born from his flesh’ and at the end of the Yuddha Kanda, the gods appear after the war with the rakshasas and tell Rama that he is Vishnu when they return Sita to him. Until that point, Rama is simply an exceptional man among men. It is almost as if the return of Sita and the proof of her chastity are what Rama needs for his divinity to be realized by himself as well as by those around him. After this dramatic revelation, Rama and Sita return to Ayodhya and Rama reclaims the kingdom.

In the story of the five middle books, the fact that Rama is declared to be god at the end of the war with the rakshasas allows us to review his acts and, as we choose to examine them retrospectively in the light of his divinity, they appear transformed. The killings of Viradha and Kabandha have already been depicted as moments of liberation for the cursed creatures. But now, if Rama is divine and has a purpose on earth, we can see the mutilation of Shurpanakha as the catalyst that brings Ravana forth as he must be drawn into battle and killed for the good of the three worlds. The killing of Vali becomes another moment of divine grace where the victim is freed from the cycle of rebirth and redeath, and the rejection of Sita after the war becomes a means for the public revelation of Rama’s divinity. 

However, if in the story told between the Ayodhya Kanda and the Yuddha Kanda, we take Rama to be a man struggling to overcome the obstacles in his path and in his heart, then we would be justified in seeking explanations for why he does the things he does and why he does them in the way he does. I argue elsewhere that Rama is deeply troubled by two things: his embarrassment at his father’s attachment to his young queen, and his disappointment with himself at not being able to fully live out the ascetic code which he had found so compelling during his forest exile. His discomfort with himself causes him to act or react unfairly in certain situations.

Excerpted with permission from Lost Loves: Exploring Rama’s Anguish by Arshia Sattar, HarperCollins India.

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