NEW YORK ― City police captured an injured suspect in what they called a “terror-related incident” after a pipe bomb strapped to his body exploded in the transit system near Times Square during Monday’s morning rush hour.

The improvised, low-tech device was affixed to the bomber’s chest with Velcro and zip ties and left the suspect the most seriously hurt among four people who were treated, authorities said. The blast, about 7:15 a.m. in the subway near Eighth Avenue and 42nd Street, immediately plunged the commuter hub into chaos.

Police identified the suspect as Akayed Ullah, 27, and said he made a statement mentioning the so-called Islamic State. Ullah, who had burns on his hands and abdomen, and lacerations, triggered the bomb intentionally, authorities said. He was seized by police and taken to Bellevue Hospital for treatment. Media reports said Ullah is a Bangladesh national who had been living in Brooklyn.

Three other people were treated for minor injuries, including headaches and ringing in the ears, authorities said.

Police Commissioner James O’Neill called the explosion a “terror-related incident” during a mid-morning news conference. He declined to elaborate on Ullah’s statement.

Gov. Andrew Cuomo described the explosive as a “low-tech device,” which officials said was based on a pipe bomb.

Terrorists “yearn to attack New York City,” Mayor Bill de Blasio said. “All we know of is one individual who, thank God, was unsuccessful in his aims.”

The blast immediately sent the key transit hub into chaos. The A, C and E subway lines were evacuated, Sgt. Brendan Ryan told HuffPost, and the busy Port Authority bus terminal was cleared and temporarily shut down. Other trains bypassed Times Square and Port Authority stations.

Update regarding explosion at 42nd St and 8th Ave, in subway: One male suspect is in custody. No injuries other than suspect at this time. Avoid the area. Subways bypassing #PortAuthority and Times Square Stations. Info is preliminary. pic.twitter.com/bEAdjq8mYc
— NYPD NEWS (@NYPDnews) December 11, 2017

The area where the explosion occurred is one of New York City’s busiest tourist and commuter zones. The Times Square-42nd Street/Port Authority station serves a dozen subway lines and a variety of local and regional bus lines.

Rosemary Usoh, 40, told HuffPost she was on the third floor of bus terminal around 7:15 a.m. when at least a dozen police officers with automatic weapons shouted for people to evacuate the building immediately.

“They yelled at us to get out, that there was an explosion,” Usoh said. “I was nervous. There were a lot of people running.”

Alicja Wlodkowski, 51, told The New York Times that she was in a restaurant inside the bus terminal building when the explosion occurred.

“A woman fell, and nobody even stopped to help her because it was so crazy,” Wlodkowski said. “Then it all slowed down. I was standing and watching and scared.”

Video shows emergency crews responding to the Port Authority bus terminal on 42nd Street. Police said the blast was in the subway system.

Snapchat video shows emergency crews outside Port Authority terminal after reports of possible explosion. pic.twitter.com/kMkDLfOgO0
— Ryan Wood (@RyanWoodDFW) December 11, 2017

The Port Authority said the subway entrance outside the building on Eighth Avenue was closed “due to police activity.” The bus terminal building was evacuated and shut down for several hours. It reopened later in the morning, but the Port Authority warned bus commuters to “contact their carrier for the most current information.”

Police closed surrounding streets.

Just police, MTA officials and reporters outside Port Authority right now pic.twitter.com/vQtZFhv4AQ
— Hayley Miller (@hayleymiller01) December 11, 2017

President Donald Trump reportedly was briefed.

Also on HuffPost

Port Authority Bus Terminal Explosion

Raj Shah on the left served in the Obama administration. Raj Shah on the right handles communications in the Trump White House.

The White House laid into CNN after the news outlet mixed up the photos of two men named Shah on Friday.

While displaying a quote from Raj Shah, who serves as President Donald Trump’s principal deputy press secretary, CNN showed an image of Dr. Rajiv Shah, who was an official in the Obama administration.

White House press secretary Sarah Huckabee Sanders attacked the news outlet Friday evening as “fake news.”

.@CNN this is definitely not @RajShah45 but it is #FakeNews pic.twitter.com/tS9QBndBw0
— Sarah Sanders (@PressSec) December 9, 2017

The quote from the principal deputy press secretary addressed Trump’s endorsement of Roy Moore, the Republican Alabama Senate candidate faces multiple accusations of preying on teenage girls decades ago.

“The President tweeted earlier today, and he’s been saying for a while now that his endorsement of Roy Moore has to do with the issues and the fact that he doesn’t want Alabama to elect somebody who’d essentially be a Nancy Pelosi, Chuck Schumer puppet and vote against this President’s agenda on a whole host of issues,” Shah said.

The Raj Shah whom CNN erroneously featured on screen is currently president of the Rockefeller Foundation and served as administrator of the U.S. Agency for International Development from 2010 to 2015.

The Raj Shah who now works for Trump ran opposition research for the Republican National Committee in 2016.

Pointing out the very different backgrounds of the two men, Twitter users joined in clapping back at CNN for the flub.

The @RajShah pictured, my former boss, is a humanitarian and should NEVER be confused for the other one. Get your sh*t together @CNN. https://t.co/fjPuL3QNF6
— Nicole Schiegg (@NicSchiegg) December 9, 2017

As one of the many friends and fans of the Raj Shah who is pictured here, we can join in a rare moment of bipartisan unity that he does not in fact -- and would NEVER in fact -- work for the current White House. https://t.co/MfJkmK1WgA
— Gene Sperling (@genebsperling) December 9, 2017

In case people need a reminder: Not all Asians look the same.

When will they ever learn ...

We’ve developed a pretty clear idea, by the Year of Our Lord 2017, of what should go viral on social media. Body-positive clapbacks. Video clips of hamsters eating tiny burritos. Bizarre optical illusions. Searing takedowns of Donald Trump (bonus points if published by unexpected outlets like Teen Vogue or Outdoor Magazine). Invitingly tone-deaf first-person essays.

Fiction? No, fiction isn’t on the list of things to go viral. At least until this weekend, when The New Yorker dropped “Cat Person” by Kristen Roupenian on the internet and sauntered away like an action star silhouetted in front of an explosion. What happened? Why did “Cat Person” catch fire while so many other great New Yorker stories have, comparatively, fizzled?

In scouting the story, before reading it, I’ll admit I thought that all the kerfuffle was because The New Yorker had published a daring genre romance about a shape-shifting cat/person and a human. (I blame the creepily ambiguous image of a kiss attached to the story.) It turns out “Cat Person” fascinated people for something else: the uncomfortable, unflinching realness with which it depicts a murky, troubling sexual encounter between a young woman and a man she recently began dating.

Roupenian’s story, if you haven’t read it, is about a college student named Margot who starts texting with Robert, a man who frequents the artsy movie theater where she works. Eventually the two go on a date; it goes rather poorly, but she still ends up back at his place. Once there, her sexual desire for him starts to fade, but she decides she’d rather have sex with him than face an awkward and involved conversation about why she doesn’t want to anymore. She has the sex she doesn’t want to have, she leaves and she stops texting with Robert ― who, spoiler alert, does not handle the rejection gracefully.

The story hit at just the right moment ― amid the #MeToo reckoning, as our society has been consumed by questions of sexual discomfort, misconduct and the toxic state of our scripts around male-female interactions.

“This particular story doesn’t concern sexual abuse or harassment, it doesn’t concern workplace abuse or rape, but it does take a look at people’s inability to read each other, inability to read each other sexually,” New Yorker fiction editor Deborah Treisman told HuffPost in a phone conversation on Monday.

The fortuitous timing, by the way, was no accident. “We had [the story] in hand for a few weeks, and yes, the subject is topical,” Treisman said, “so we felt it would be a good time. We didn’t want to hold on to it for months.”

To people who frequent certain neighborhoods of Twitter (Book Twitter, but also Feminism Twitter and Media Twitter), the story seemed to be everywhere, along with that unsettling image. Nor was its ubiquity an illusion. “Of all the fiction we published this year, ‘Cat Person’ was by far the most-read online,” Natalie Raabe, the magazine’s director of communications, told HuffPost. “It’s also one of our most-read pieces overall for the year.”

So it was timely ― but there have been timely short stories before. What is the special appeal of “Cat Person”?

For one thing, it reads quite similarly to another viral-friendly form: the first-person confessional essay, as propagated by outlets like xoJane and Jezebel. Plenty of Twitter readers, rather tellingly, referred to it as an article or an essay, rather than a short story. “Cat Person” unfolds in a sort of transparent prose that’s not demonstratively artful; it’s easy to lose oneself in, and to get wrapped up in Margot’s neuroses and imagined realities, much as one focuses on the psychological revelations in a New York Times Modern Love column rather than the structure or the use of adjectives. Roupenian’s story is the fiction version of “It Happened to Me: I Had Bad Sex Because It Felt Awkward to Say No.”

The ubiquity of these essays, in a slightly earlier Internet Age, owed a great deal to the economic considerations of web media, as they require no reporting or expertise and yet tap into the reptilian click-and-share node of our brains. Though The New Yorker’s Jia Tolentino bid farewell to the form earlier this year, it will never entirely leave us. We will always be interested in how other people find love, break up, find balls of cat hair in their vaginas. (Sorry, that happened.)

In fact, “Cat Person” specifically tapped into a need that those xoJane personal essays also fulfilled: honest, vulnerable narration of women’s real-life experience. So much about women’s lives and bodies is framed as shameful, embarrassing. We’re taught to hide our periods, fake orgasms and say yes to a date so as not to hurt a guy’s feelings. How liberating it can be to share what we’re hiding with each other and find out that other women aren’t clean, kind, gentle paragons ― they’re complicated, shallow, misguided and sometimes gross, just like us.

I don't really know how to do justice to the conversation that is happening around my story but I am grateful for it. I need to go take a walk in the snow and hug my dog, but if you have messaged me directly, thank you, and in the meantime: https://t.co/IjVFkzWGi6
— Kristen Roupenian (@KRoupenian) December 9, 2017

That “Cat Person” dove deep into a young woman’s consciousness, narrating the female side of a messy, disappointing sexual encounter between a man and a woman, struck many readers as refreshing. (That the young woman was a college student, and her experience a familiar one to the predominantly white, well-educated, financially well-off women who likely make up much of The New Yorker’s readership, could only have helped the story strike a nerve among the target audience.) There’s a wealth of short fiction by men, about men’s desultory sexual doings. Then again, there’s also plenty of great short fiction by women, about women having sex and relationships ― Lorrie Moore and Mary Gaitskill are just a couple of classic examples.

But unlike so many other excellent short stories about dating, sex and female interiority, Roupenian’s story ― her first for The New Yorker ― hit at a moment when we were all primed and ready to talk about it. The specific timeliness of the #MeToo moment combined with the other appeals of “Cat Person” to create an alchemical appeal.

“I’m sure [the response] does have something to do with the nature of our discourse right now, about sex, about consent,” said Treisman. “Those kinds of issues are so much in the news and in the air right now that this was a way to look at them, somewhat away from the political sphere, and the sphere of Hollywood producers and so on.”

Though, as she points out, women having these experiences is not new, it can’t be denied that we’re talking about all of those experiences, past and present, with particular avidity now. It’s as if we all signed up for a seminar on women’s bad sexual experiences with men and we’re halfway through the semester; the early foundational reading has been completed, and now we’re all on the same page. That doesn’t mean we all agree ― on the contrary, “Cat Person” Twitter was pretty divided on even questions so basic as whether Robert or Margot deserved more sympathy ― but we all recognize this story as a clear opportunity to talk about consent, communication and women’s sexual pleasure. If the same story came out six months ago, it would have been the same story, but there wouldn’t have been the same shared understanding of its resonance.

Sad as it might be to admit, a big part of the viral success of “Cat Person” might be, simply, that a work of short fiction has never really gone viral on social media before. Early on, the online conversation surrounding it was a meta-conversation: Isn’t it cool that a short story is getting read? Why is this short story getting read? Is everyone so excited because they’ve never read a short story before and don’t realize how great they can be? How can we get more short stories to go viral in the future? No post-”Cat Person” story will enjoy quite the same novelty.

Treisman, for her part, seemed as surprised as anyone by the story’s burst of popularity ― and she couldn’t put her finger on how to replicate it with future works of fiction. “In terms of the way that word spreads through social media,” she said, “that’s still something of a novelty to me at least. I’m not sure how to game it.”

But we’ve been here before and had these same conversations ― about poetry. When Patricia Lockwood’s “Rape Joke” blew up in the summer of 2013 (tellingly, it also drew in readers with its vivid, uncensored representation of a woman’s interior experience of an interaction with a man), many were flabbergasted that a poem could go viral. The Guardian credited the poem with having “casually reawakened a generation’s interest in poetry.” In the years since, poetry has only continued to strengthen its new readership, particularly online. Nowadays, a poem going viral isn’t all that noteworthy ― it happens often enough. Poetry has become a staple in how we respond to and process events on the Internet, providing a different angle on the world we live in than can a think piece or a breaking news item.

Why can’t short fiction be like that? There are artistic purists who leap to defend the sanctity of literature from such crass things as “messages” or “political relevance.” Any discussion of which character was in the right, or who behaved selfishly or whether the story fat-shamed Robert is framed as improperly treating fiction as nonfiction. “It’s inevitable that some readers view ‘Cat Person’ as weighing in on a timely issue and offering up lessons, the way personal essays are so often inclined to do,” sighed Laura Miller in Slate. “It’s easy to get into the habit of thinking that every imaginative literary work must be made to carry an unambiguous moral.”

But there’s a reason people read the story that way: It’s offering a very realistic narrative of a communication breakdown between two real-seeming people, teasing out the ways in which things went wrong. Of course we’ll want to take lessons from that, if we can. “Cat Person,” though written well before the #MeToo moment and worth reading outside of it, does offer particular relief and insight to readers in the grip of this cultural moment, just as an essay might. Roupenian and Treisman, who both emphasized the story’s ability to speak to our current consternation over dysfunctional male-female communication, seem to be embracing the political relevance of the work.

In an interview with Treisman for The New Yorker, Roupenian explained that Margot’s resignation to sex she no longer wanted “speaks to the way that many women, especially young women, move through the world: not making people angry, taking responsibility for other people’s emotions, working extremely hard to keep everyone around them happy.” In an interview with The New York Times this week, she elaborated on the loneliness women who date men might feel, having a partner, at this moment in time, who doesn’t understand their feelings of sexual vulnerability. “That’s a pain a lot of women I know have felt acutely, especially in this past year, when all of these terrible shared experiences are becoming part of the public conversation,” Roupenian said. “Women try to talk about these experiences with their partners, and they find themselves failing. It’s an isolating feeling for both people involved.”

And while we should certainly remember the story is fiction (no, Margot and Roupenian are not the same person) and can analyze the story as a carefully crafted imaginative work, it’s hard to see what’s wrong with also discussing it as a window into a real-world problem, as Roupenian does in these interviews. That’s exactly what makes it so appealing, and what has long been one of fiction’s strengths ― especially psychological realism.

That’s not to say that fiction should trade in simplistic moral archetypes. As Miller points out, “Cat Person” resists easy judgments of its characters and instead shows two complex, flawed people. That makes it all the more valuable of a teaching tool. Real life, too, is messy and peopled by complex, flawed humans, but real life is where we have to live.

Members of Bajrang Dal doing drills during a self-defense training camp at Saraswati Shishu Mandir, an RSS-run school, on May 26, 2016 in Noida.

Police arrested a Christian priest and were questioning members of a seminary after a hardline Hindu group accused them of trying to convert villagers to Christianity by distributing Bibles and singing carols, police said on Saturday.

The priest was arrested on Friday after a member of the Bajrang Dal, a powerful Hindu group associated with Prime Minister Narendra Modi's ruling party, accused 50 members of a seminary of distributing the Bible, photos of Jesus Christ and singing carols in a village in Madhya Pradesh.

"Our members have registered a criminal case because we have proof to show how Christian priests were forcibly converting poor Hindus," said Abhay Kumar Dhar, a senior member of the Bajrang Dal in Bhopal, the capital of Madhya Pradesh.

The Bajrang Dal has direct links with the ruling Hindu-nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

Madhya Pradesh, governed by the BJP, has strict religious conversion laws. People must give formal notice to local administrators in order to change religion.

"We have arrested the priest but have not booked him under the anti-conversion law because the probe into the allegations is still on," said Rajesh Hingankar, the investigating official in Satna district, where the incident occurred.

The Catholic Bishops' Conference of India said they were "shocked, and pained at the unprovoked violence against Catholic priests and seminarians".

"We were only singing carols, but the hardline Hindus attacked us and said we were on a mission to make India a Christian nation ... that's not true," said Anish Emmanuel, a member of the St. Ephrem's Theological College in Satna.

Two senior police officials in Bhopal said they had detained six members of the Bajrang Dal who had allegedly torched a car owned by a Christian priest in Satna, 480 km northeast of Bhopal.

Religious conversion is a sensitive issue in India, with Hindu groups often accusing Christian missionaries of using cash, kind and marriage to lure poor villagers to convert to their faith.

Modi's government has been criticised for failing to do enough to stop attacks on minority Christians and Muslims by hardline Hindu groups.

The government rejects the allegation and denies any bias against Christians or Muslims.

Current and former female Fox News employees say they are “stunned,” “disgusted” and “hungry for justice” after media mogul Rupert Murdoch on Thursday dismissed allegations of sexual misconduct at the network as “nonsense” outside of a few “isolated incidents” with former Fox News Chairman Roger Ailes.

In a televised interview, Sky News host Ian King focused on the Thursday announcement that the Disney Company is acquiring most of the assets belonging to 21st Century Fox, Fox News Channel’s parent, in a deal valued at $52 billion. Disney is not acquiring Fox News Channel or several other broadcast properties as part of the deal.

King asked Murdoch if sexual misconduct allegations had inflicted damage on Fox News Channel.

Rupert Murdoch said sexual misconduct allegations at Fox News amount to a few isolated incidents related to the company's former chairman, Roger Ailes.

Murdoch said, “All nonsense, there was a problem with our chief executive [Ailes], sort of, over the years, isolated incidents. As soon as we investigated it he was out of the place in hours, well, three or four days. And there’s been nothing else since then. That was largely political because we’re conservative. Now of course the liberals are going down the drain — NBC is in deep trouble. CBS, their stars. I mean there are really bad cases and people should be moved aside. There are other things which probably amount to a bit of flirting.”

“Rupert never characterized the sexual harassment matters at FOX News as ‘nonsense,’” a spokesman for 21st Century Fox told HuffPost in a statement Friday night, five hours after this story was initially published. “Rather, he responded negatively to the suggestion that sexual harassment issues were an obstacle to the Company’s bid for the rest of Sky.”

“Under Rupert’s leadership and with his total support, the Company exited Roger Ailes, compensated numerous women who were mistreated; trained virtually all of its employees; exited its biggest star; and hired a new head of HR. By his actions, Rupert has made it abundantly clear that he understands that there were real problems at FOX News,” the statement continued. “Rupert values all of the hard-working colleagues at FOX News, and will continue to address these matters to ensure FOX News maintains its commitment to having a work environment based on the values of trust and respect.”

For this story, HuffPost spoke with 10 current and former female Fox News staffers, all of whom are or were on-air talent and say they have faced harassment or assault by current and former Fox News executives and on-air talent. They said the comment by Murdoch, who controls the Fox News Channel along with his two sons Lachlan and James through 21st Century Fox, not only diminished the scandal that has plagued the network for over 17 months, it also virtually erased a flood of allegations, terminations, forced resignations and settlements.

There are other things which probably amount to a bit of flirting. Rupert Murdoch on allegations of sexual misconduct at Fox News

All the women communicated via text message and asked to remain anonymous, either because they still work at the network or are bound by non-disclosure agreements they signed when they left, or because their current employers don’t allow them to speak to the press without authorization.

“I have had to put up with a hostile work environment for years, and now I’m told that it doesn’t exist by a man who doesn’t have to walk these halls every day? I’m hungry for justice,” said one woman who is part of the network’s on-air talent.

“Hey Rupert - stop with the lies or we’ll go public with the truth. All of it. Including about the talent and executives you still employ who have harassed us and don’t give a damn about workplace respect - only money,” said a woman who was previously a member of Fox News’ on-air talent. “How much will it take before you actually start caring about your female employees? Is your 52 billion enough? Are we really going to clean house now?”

Murdoch’s comment directly contradicts the public relations strategy of Fox News and 21st Century Fox, which has been to diligently tell reporters the era of Ailes, who died this year, and host Bill O’Reilly is over. Instead, the press reps say, Fox News has ushered in a new era of corporate responsibility and a workplace free of hostility and retaliation.

The comment is also unusual because Fox News has been the subject of a federal investigation into Ailes’ settlements for over a year. The U.S. Attorney, the FBI and the United States Postal Inspection Service are all assisting with the probe, which is looking at whether Ailes’ payouts violated federal law because they were not disclosed to shareholders. The Postal Service is involved because the investigation includes potential mail and wire fraud violations.

Bill O’Reilly has settled multiple sexual harassment lawsuits while at Fox News.

Fox News has been plagued by accusations of sexual misconduct, especially in the last year and a half. In July 2016, former Fox News host Gretchen Carlson stunned the media world when she filed a lawsuit saying Ailes had harassed and retaliated against her over a number of years. 21st Century Fox hired the white-shoe law firm Paul Weiss to conduct an investigation into the allegations, and current and former Fox News staffers and on-air talent told the firm Ailes had subjected them to harassment and retaliation. Ailes was forced to resign three weeks after Carlson filed her lawsuit, and left with a $40 million payout.

Since then, New York magazine, The New York Times and other publications have reported how Ailes used company funds to pay off women who alleged he had harassed and abused them. Laurie Luhn, a former Fox News booker, received a $3.15 million severance in 2011 that Ailes arranged. She told New York magazine Ailes subjected her to psychological torture and harassment for years.

The New York Times also reported in April that O’Reilly had settled multiple sexual harassment suits while at the network, with the company’s knowledge. After virtually all of his advertisers pulled out, O’Reilly was ousted with a reported $25 million payout.

In August, HuffPost reported that Fox News host Eric Bolling sent unsolicited lewd photos to colleagues. A month later, Fox News ousted him. And in October, the Times reported O’Reilly had settled a sexual harassment lawsuit brought by Fox News legal analyst Lis Wiehl for $32 million. 21st Century Fox had seen a draft of the lawsuit and knew O’Reilly had settled, but it still renewed the host’s contract in February 2017 for four more years, at $25 million a year.

As the scandals have unfolded, I’ve spoken to women at the network about their own experiences and responses to the allegations. I have never received more pointed feedback than I did after Murdoch’s comments.

In response to Murdoch's comments, Gretchen Carlson said he should

Lauren Sivan, a television reporter who worked at Fox News and now works at a Fox station in Los Angeles owned by 21st Century Fox, said Ailes used to have her sit on his lap so he could monitor her breathing and diaphragm. He did this, she said, under the false premise of helping her speak better on television. Several women at Fox News said Ailes required them to sit on his lap and engage in the same exercise.

“What kind of company pays close to 100 million dollars to keep ‘flirting’ quiet?” Sivan said in response to Murdoch’s quote.

“Did this man [Murdoch] just forget the 100 million dollars his company had to pay in settlements for terrible men behaving badly?” said a current Fox news host. “He now says it was a bit of ‘flirting’ and an issue related to the fact that Fox News has conservative hosts? Sexual harassment has nothing to do with politics. Many of us are conservative and want the truth to come out. Those of us who still work at Fox News have anxiety issues every time we see another woman coming forward with stories we have all lived through but have never shared.”

“The harassment was persistent and ongoing,” said a former Fox News reporter. “It was personally and professionally devastating for some of my colleagues and me. When the person who signs your paycheck and is responsible for promotions and demotions harasses women who rely on him, it’s more than ‘sort of’ a problem. Roger’s circle of advisors laughed off the problem and enabled his behavior to continue for years. Rupert’s dismissal is a crude insult to women. He should know better.”

The culture at Fox News won’t change until you publicly accept that it has been a breeding ground for sexual misconduct over the past two decades. Tamara Holder

Tamara Holder, a Fox News commentator who settled with the network earlier this year over a sexual assault claim, said, “You cannot rewrite history, Mr. Murdoch. The problem was not only with your chief executive. For example, one of your former executives trapped me in his office, pulled-out his penis and shoved my head on it. That’s not ‘nonsense.’ That’s criminal.”

“The culture at Fox News won’t change until you publicly accept that it has been a breeding ground for sexual misconduct over the past two decades,” Holder said.

Carlson also replied to the comments, saying, “Mr. Murdoch: sexual harassment isn’t ‘flirting,’ ‘nonsense,’ ‘largely political’ or simply ‘isolated incidents.’ I’m calling on you to release all women who complained about sexual harassment at Fox News from the secrecy agreements you forced them to sign and let the truth come out. Let the public decide if the behavior to which women were subjected was ‘flirting.’” She tweeted the same statement soon after.

Some Fox News women who have never come forward publicly with their complaints say they are considering sharing what they experienced, and were willing to walk out if necessary. Some say Ailes sexually harassed them, while others have complaints about on-air talent and executives at the network.

“I’m contacting a lawyer tomorrow,” said one Fox News host. “I’m sick of this shit.”

This story has been updated with comment from 21st Century Fox.

Follow Yashar — or send him a tip — on Twitter: @yashar

You’ve got free time to kill, and you want to spend these rare moments with a TV show, but you’ve got a ton of options on a handful of streaming platforms. In an era when keeping up with contemporary TV is beginning to feel more and more like homework, it’s about time there was a cheat sheet.

HuffPost’s Streamline is a go-to source for what to watch online right now. It includes recommendations for scripted TV shows, both live-action and animated, chosen by writers who watch countless series and have an eye on what other critics are ecstatic about this minute.

The weekly list values newness to promote shows that might not be on your radar yet. On the navigation bar above, you can choose specific recommendations for series streaming on Netflix, Hulu and Amazon. The main list below also includes shows that you can stream online with a cable package (such as programs on HBO, Showtime and FX Networks).

The idea: Come to Streamline before you accidentally waste your time with a bad show. Wait a minute to save a minute.

For the weekend of Dec. 16, “The Marvelous Mrs. Maisel” tops the list from Amazon for the third week in a row.

As the year comes to an end, there aren’t as many new shows popping up to take the top spot from this Amy Sherman-Palladino project. That said, the show is truly great and a crowd-pleaser that all sorts of television fans could enjoy. Head to the Amazon Streamline for more about it.

Netflix’s “Wormwood,” which debuts Friday, joins the list for the first time. This Errol Morris project about a man’s lengthy search to uncover the mystery of his father’s death is mostly a documentary series, so its inclusion slightly breaks with our typical recommendations of scripted shows. As he has done in the past, “The Thin Blue Line” director Morris blends fiction and nonfiction, using actors to recreate various real-life events. Peter Sarsgaard is in the starring role. The Netflix Streamline gets more into our justification for its inclusion, but regardless, the show is well worth checking out.

The Netflix Streamline is where we get into the unfortunate decision by the FCC to repeal net neutrality protections. This news might mean streaming providers will have a harder time competing in the marketplace, and consumers might have to pay more to access these services.

Otherwise, streaming services had much to celebrate with this week’s announcement of the nominations for the 75th annual Golden Globe Awards. Netflix, Hulu and Amazon all earned nominations, with Netflix getting the most among the streaming giants with nine. These successes mean that streaming services actually received more nominations than traditional networks this year.

Also worth noting is that many of the network shows that received nominations are currently available on Hulu. More about which of these shows are available at the Hulu Streamline.

And as mentioned before, Streamline has been highlighting Netflix’s successful year of programming with roundups of the best and most underrated shows to debut in 2017.

You’ve certainly got a ton of shows to check out.

Good luck this week, and we hope this helps.

A note on methodology:

Streamline recommendations do not include reality shows, game shows, awards shows, news shows and other shows that aren’t streaming online.

Along with HuffPost’s own “research” (watching countless hours of TV), Streamline opinions are informed by critical reviews from publications like The New York Times, Vulture, The A.V. Club, The Ringer and Collider, and aggregators like Rotten Tomatoes and Metacritic. Twitter is also providing HuffPost with data on the most tweeted-about streaming shows on its platform.

Shows can appear on the main list for two months after their most recent season’s final episode. Shows that debut all episodes at once will also be eligible for only two months.

If broadcast shows want a chance at showing up on the main list, they should make their episodes easily available to stream.

Rohingya refugee children wait in front of a food distribution center in a refugee camp in Bangladesh.

Rohan Royal first contacted me around dinnertime on Oct. 26. The profile picture that came with his Facebook message request showed two armed men holding guns. “Hello,” was all he wrote.

According to his profile, we had no mutual friends, didn’t attend the same schools or live in the same city, but I responded with a “hello” in turn and asked how he found me.

Writing in poor English, Royal said he was a Rohingya student living in Myanmar’s western Rakhine state. The Rohingya are a predominantly Muslim ethnic group whose members have lived in Rakhine state for centuries. Most of Myanmar’s Buddhist majority population considers the Rohingya to be immigrants, and in 1982, the government stripped them of citizenship ― effectively rendering them stateless and limiting their access to jobs, medical care and education.

The Rohingya have faced decades of persecution at the hands of Myanmar’s military and Buddhist hardliners. Tensions escalated dramatically in August after a small group of Rohingya extremists, known as the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, attacked police and army posts in the state. Buddhist militants retaliated by burning down villages, arresting and torturing men, raping women and killing children.

Since then, more than 624,000 of the 1.1 million Rohingya in Rakhine have fled to neighboring Bangladesh. It’s unclear how many Rohingya exactly remain in Rakhine, but the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre in Geneva estimates that more than 300,000 are in desperate need of aid.

Royal said he was one of the Rohingya who remained behind, and explained that he’d found me while searching Facebook for aid workers. “I resherch donation worker at them i got ur facebook,” he wrote.

I’m a freelance journalist, which my Facebook page clearly states. But since I have been closely following recent news reports about worsening violence against the Rohingya, his messages piqued my interest.

I received another Facebook request a few hours later from a man named Kyawwinnaing. He, too, introduced himself as a Rohingya student living in Rakhine. “Our villagers [are] very very poor and I need your help,” he wrote.

The next morning, there was another one. Ro Kyaw Tun Naing said he was a schoolteacher in one of the remaining Rohingya villages, and had been one of Kyawwinnaing’s teachers. He also said he works for a local humanitarian agency. His English, albeit choppy, was sufficient to maintain a conversation. I asked what was happening in his village. “Facing .Arrsted.Raping .burning .on rohingya pepole in Rakhine state now.I am find .My family are safe,” he replied.

I wanted to know more ― whether these men were who they claimed to be, and if they were, why they were contacting a freelance journalist based in Seattle. Reporting from Rakhine is thin at best, since the military bars access to journalists and has only let a few relief agencies in.

These exchanges sent me on a reporting quest that has given me a digital window into life in Rakhine state, and it has become increasingly clear that the Rohingya are looking for social media users in other countries to share their stories with the rest of the world.

None of the men who contacted me are using their real names online, out of fear that public postings under their Rohingya names would make them government targets. Kyaw Tun Naing says he has already been arrested once for using Facebook to share news about the Rohingya, and he’s haunted by the idea that this could happen again. Other Rohingya activists have reported online harassment and have even received death threats over the phone. I now know their real identities, but am withholding that information to protect their safety.

Rohingya refugees wait to cross the border into Bangladesh on Nov. 12, 2017.

In our ongoing correspondence, the three men painted a grim picture of the situation in Rakhine. I’ve woken up to messages containing images and videos of Rohingya villages being torched at night by the military, operating under the cover of darkness. “Breaking news,” Royal would write, before sending over a media file and a description of an event.

They say Myanmar’s army has continued to raid Rohingya villages and set fire to abandoned homes, even after Bangladesh and Myanmar signed an agreement on Nov. 23 to allow hundreds of thousands of Rohingya refugees to return home.

They have sent images purporting to document crimes by Myanmar’s army since violence broke out at the end of August — photos of Rohingya men and women who had been beaten, shot or raped. The messages also suggest that Rohingya villages lack access to basic necessities like food and medicine.

Early on, Royal sent me photos that he said showed villagers selling their home goods to buy food and medicine in a nearby town. He claimed a video showed a Rohingya man with cancer who had sold all his possessions to pay for surgery, only to be dropped by the doctor when he could no longer pay.

These traumatic images are impossible to verify and extremely graphic, and are not included here for those reasons. But they have left me wondering whether the Rohingya who have fled will ever feel safe again in Rakhine. According to the men, Rohingya still abandon their villages out of fear each day. Kyaw Tun Naing told me that Rohingya are leaving his village on a daily basis, hoping to find food and jobs in Bangladesh.

Kyaw Tun Naing himself refuses to go. He fears living in Bangladesh as a refugee would be even more difficult than staying in Myanmar. Kyawwinnaing, too, doesn’t want to leave. “I am Rohingya. I am not Bengali,” he explained, adding that he hopes more relief agencies will eventually gain access to Rakhine.

Myanmar's border police stand guard in Rakhine state.

Facebook has become a breeding ground for fake news in Myanmar ever since violence intensified over the summer. The social media platform is so prevalent in the country that some people believe it is the internet. Myanmar’s government and military deny the reports about atrocities in Rakhine ― even civilian leader and Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi has been on the defensive, dismissing them as “misinformation.”

Some government accounts have taken advantage of Facebook’s reach to push that line in a seemingly coordinated effort, claiming that the Rohingya are burning down their own villages or distributing photos of soldiers’ bodies that were actually taken during other conflicts.

Kyaw Tun Naing said those government reports prompted him to reach out after he joined Facebook in September. “Myanmar media [do not] write true news,” he told me. “Rohingya people don’t have journalist. And Rakhine state [has] no free media.”

While Royal, Kyawwinnaing and Kyaw Tun Naing say they can not move freely from village to village, $3 can buy them 2 gigabytes of data to use on their mobile phones to keep abreast of news and be in touch with other Rohingya living in Rakhine or outside of the country. They share photos, videos and news among themselves before they pass the message on.

Without eyes on the ground in Rakhine, I knew I wouldn’t be able to fully verify their accounts, but I did everything I could to confirm their identities.

One of my trusted Rohingya sources spoke with Royal and confirmed his identity. I tried verifying Kyaw Tun Naing’s involvement with the humanitarian agency, but my email to the group’s main branch in Yangon bounced back as undeliverable.

While I asked the men to send photos from their villages and their day-to-day lives, they often just sent me any photos they had. I ran each one through a reverse image search, and some appeared to be originals. For example, there were no perfect matches for a photo of a bullet wound on a man’s back, confirming that this image wasn’t already published elsewhere, and Google’s reverse image search’s best guess for the location of the image was “Rakhine state.”

In other instances, multiple people sent me the same photo, suggesting that those images are circulating among Rohingya activists connected on Facebook. Ro Kyaw Tun Naing sent me a handful of those, including photos that appeared to show the arrest of two men. I recognized the men’s faces from a Rohingya activist’s Twitter post; they were reportedly attacked by extremists in a village in northern Rakhine state.

Even though I’ve grown to believe and trust these men and their stories, I can’t be completely sure they are who they say they are. One thing is clear, however: No matter how many probing questions I’ve asked, the men have not grown tired of them.

Corresponding with these Rohingya men in the past few weeks has brought a different sense of routine to my life. I’ve grown used to the ping of my WhatsApp and the chirp of my Messenger notifications in the morning and late afternoons. I feel relieved when read receipts on my Messenger conversations or blue check marks on the WhatsApp chats appear, indicating that they are still safe, and alive.

It has also raised new questions for me about working on stories about conflict-ridden countries. As journalists, we are encouraged to be objective in our reporting, to not meddle in the lives of people that we cover. But seeing these photos and videos and forming relationships with these men elicits in me the very human response of wanting to help.

To me, the greatest paradox of the use of social media in the Rohingya crisis is that complete strangers can tell me about their plight, but there’s no way for me to help directly. Yet, in a different context, anyone can start a crowdfunding campaign to help defray medical costs, and a stranger sympathetic to their situation could donate money directly toward that.

In the last few weeks, I’ve marveled at how democratizing the internet can be. For the Rohingya, it offers freedom from reality. They can read about the international community’s response to the crisis and can connect with family and friends displaced by violence. An Facebook friend request, if accepted, gives them the ability to live vicariously through a stranger — a stranger who coincidentally has the privilege to help shed light on their stories.

An independent candidate Jignesh Mevani greets people during election campaign on December 10, 2017 in Vadgam, India.

VADGAM, Gujarat -- As far as "youthquakes" go, it is no exaggeration to say that Gujarat has witnessed one in the form of Jignesh Mevani, Hardik Patel and Alpesh Thakor -- three young leaders who have given the Bharatiya Janata Party its toughest electoral fight since the Hindu nationalist party came to power in the state in 1995.

Over the past few months, Mevani, a rising Dalit leader, Patel and Thakor, faces of the Patidar community and Other Backward Classes (OBC) respectively, have set aside their ideological differences and come together for the sole purpose of defeating the BJP in the 2017 Gujarat Assembly election.

Earlier this week, Mevani, who is fighting his first election as an independent candidate, told me, "Fascism is fascism. It will ruin our country if we stay silent any longer."

Whether Mevani wins or loses on Monday, the 37-year-old Dalit leader's fiery and irreverent rhetoric targeting Prime Minister Narendra Modi has irked the BJP. Last week, party president Amit Shah accused him of taking funds from an "anti-national" group. In one of the many communal remarks made during the course of the campaign, Hindu nationalists used the term 'HAJ' to describe the trio of Hardik, Alpesh and Jignesh and 'RAM' to describe Gujarat Chief Minister Vijay Rupani, Shah and Modi.

When I first spoke with Mevani in August, 2016, the big question was whether he would be a flash in the pan or succeed in fanning the Dalit agitation that had erupted in Gujarat after a chilling episode of caste violence.

On July 11, 2016, four Dalit men were tied to a car and thrashed by cow vigilantes in the town of Una for skinning a dead cow. A viral video of the public flogging triggered widespread protests, with Mevani emerging as the face of the Dalit movement in the state. At the time, Mevani, a law graduate who had worked for some years as a journalist, told me that he would not let the fledgling movement die. "Dalits need to realise that they can be what anyone else can be," he had said.

When I met him in his constituency of Vadgam, just over one year later, Mevani was holding a rally with Congress Party (now) president Rahul Gandhi. When I met him, a few days later, he was gathering people who would stay vigilant when votes are counted on December 18. Dressed in a green khadi shirt, black trousers and sports shoes, the Dalit leader stood out among the throng of politicians dressed in white kurtas and sandals. He laughed and said, "Well, I guess I have kept my promise to HuffPost. I think it is evident that I'm here and here to stay."

Mevani, however, is walking a tightrope. On the one hand, the Dalit leader is working with the Congress to defeat the BJP. In fact, the Congress has not fielded a candidate in Vadgam, a seat which it has won thrice since 1998, to give Mevani his best shot at winning. On the other hand, Mevani refuses to be co-opted by the Grand Old Party, which he believes would be contrary to the ideological underpinnings of the Dalit movement.

For over an hour, Mevani spoke about walking the tightrope, his dream of taking down the BJP, life lessons, and dressing like a politician.

Fascism is fascism. It will ruin our country if we stay silent any longer.

Edited excerpts:

Are you nervous about the election result?

No, I feel like I've already won. I was under the impression that contesting electoral politics is something that doesn't go with me. But the kind of love and affection that I've got from people in my constituency is stunning, sublime and supreme. It is devastatingly great. The figure that will come out on the 18th can go in my favor or against me, but I've won a lot of hearts. The amount of youth that I could engage with is an investment for the future. It will be a major breakthrough if I win.

If you don't win?

I will continue with the struggle. Our movement is political. Politics is not just about electoral politics. I'm not shying away from that ever.

Why have you made beating the BJP your life's mission?

The BJP originates from the RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh) which is a fascist force rooted in an ideology that can be traced back to Hitler and Mussolini. They can go to any extent. They can destroy whatever little democracy that we are left with. They can destroy our goal of creating a secular and socialist democracy. If the BJP comes to power in 2019 then this country will be a banana republic. Then, I should not be surprised that you get killed for doing a story and you should not be surprised if I get killed for organizing a rally. That is what fascism is. I want Dalits, who are 18% of the population in India, to mercilessly vote against the BJP in 2019.

I want Dalits, who are 18% of the population in India, to mercilessly vote against the BJP in 2019.

You are working with parties and people from all kinds of political backgrounds, convictions and agendas. How do you reconcile your differences?

When you are fighting against fascism, against the BJP, each pro-poor face has to come together and keep aside their ideological disputes and problems. Fascism is fascism. It will ruin our country if we stay silent any longer. There are contradictions between the Patels and Dalits, Dalits and OBCs, OBCs and Patels. But still Alpesh, Hardik and I are together because our principal contradiction is against the BJP. We all feel that we are the victims of the "Gujarat model." But that does not mean that the contradiction that lies beneath will not surface. It will and we will resolve it.

Has the past year changed you?

It has made me more pragmatic and wise. I've learned to navigate the politics. Gujarat produces great social activists but they remain stuck. They are not able to do anything electorally and there is not much expansion on the ground. In politics, you learn to carve your way out.

Gujarat produces great social activists but they remain stuck. In politics, you learn to carve your way out.

How do you mean?

So, had I not been wise and pragmatic I would not have decided to contest from this seat. I'm contesting from this seat because I want to win and don't want to remain stuck.

Jignesh Mevani greets people during his election campaign on December 10, 2017 in Vadgam.

You mean your standing from a seat that Congress already had a good chance of winning?

Yes. I would never allow my values to get distorted but I have learnt you have to make compromises to further the agenda, not for personal gain but the agenda of the public. Ideology is not an end in itself.

What's the end?

The end should be concrete changes in the lives of people. Ultimately, in the final analysis, we have to construct a classless society. The idea of creating a classless society keeps putting enormous pressure on me every single day.

Ideology is not an end in itself.

What is your plan after the election is over?

I want to immediately give a call for 160 Dalit youths to commit 15 days of their life to me. I will ask them to go to 160 nagar palikas where sanitation workers are denied even minimum wages. I want the sanitation workers to go for a massive strike. Even if there is one-fourth success, it will ensure minimum wage to at least 15,000 people. I will launch a program for the Valmikis who are the Dalit among Dalits and I want to launch platform for Dalit-Muslim unity. I will be plunging into movements. I'm 90% an agitator.

You sound like Arvind Kejriwal.

No. Arvind is Arvind. I'm, well, me.

Do you think being a politician could derail you from your goal?

Not at all. When you become an MLA, there is an aura that he is an MLA. He is a neta. There is more chance of people joining us. I want to use the bourgeois glamour for the cause of the poor people.

I want to use the bourgeois glamour for the cause of the poor people.

You recently had a rally with Rahul Gandhi. What did you think of him?

We didn't talk much on the day of the rally. I've met him twice and he seems to be a reasonable guy. He wants to engage a lot of youth in his party and he is open for dialogue. That is my primary impression.

Why did you not want to join Congress?

I want my identity to remain intact. It was fabulous for me that a cadre of the Congress was working for me, a cadre from a Dalit party was working for me, a cadre from the Aam Aadmi Party was here, an MLA from the CPI (ML) stayed for days and campaigned for me, Swaraj India's Yogendra Yadav campaigned for me, and CPI's Milind Ranade from Maharashtra was here. Many of these political parties would not have shared a stage if I had not been there.

People believe that you will eventually join Congress.

No, I'm not joining. It's an understanding. It's not even an alliance. It is a win-win situation. If it had not been a win-win situation, Rahul Gandhi being potentially prime minister material, would not get himself clicked with me.

Would you like to be prime minister?

Very much.

What did you make of the BJP campaign?

It was communal, it was nonsensical, it was irrelevant. Modi did not create the vibes that he was able to create earlier. He has not been able to catch people's imagination. He sounded very boring, continuously repeating himself, with no data to place before the people. He sounded like someone whose time has gone. The struggle is in 2019. It will be a mentally aging Modi against the 50-crore youth of this country, many of them unemployed and desperate for change.

It will be a mentally aging Modi against the 50-crore youth of this country, many of them unemployed and desperate for change.

You can't deny how popular Modi is even among the youth.

He isn't anymore.

He won Uttar Pradesh for the BJP – again – even after demonetization.

Modi is a media creation. There are agencies in the world that can manufacture consent for you. They can project you in a certain manner by pumping in enormous money. And there is no denying the communal bias among the people of this country. The section of youth who are under the clutch of Hindutva like him. His Goebbelsian rhetoric of development suited the neoliberal climate and the aspirations of the urban middle class youth.

How will you counter Amit Shah and Narendra Modi's strategy of eroding caste-based voting and uniting the electorate under the Hindu banner? (BJP won 69 out of 85 reserved seats in the UP-Assembly election).

Babasaheb Ambedkar said that most Hindus are not Hindus - they belong to a caste – but they become Hindus when it comes to killing Muslims. Otherwise we think, interpret and analyze in terms of caste. People even marry in terms of caste. They stay together on the basis of their caste identity. We are a caste-ridden society. But the BJP, many times, has managed to take people out of their caste identity and make them think as a monolithic entity. In the case of UP, in my understanding, Dalits did not become Hindu but somehow, they found the BSP (Bahujan Samaj Party led by Mayawati) becoming irrelevant. In Gujarat, however, Dalits are not with the BJP.

Since Dalits, more or less, have supported the Congress in Gujarat then what is your role in the state's electoral politics?

Making the anti-BJP Dalit front even stronger through my struggles on the ground and raising the material issues which unfortunately has not been the agenda of the movement of late. Everything I've done in the past two years has got stunning media coverage because I can articulate. I've got a lot of space on television channels where I bash Modi every day, very often below the belt. I'm a rogue on television debates. The Dalit population of the country is seeing one of its youth leaders giving gaali to the BJP all the time. This will help in 2019. The national election is my concern even more than the Gujarat election. Alpesh and Hardik may not be able to do much outside led Gujarat but I can.

The national election is my concern even more than the Gujarat election. Alpesh and Hardik may not be able to do much outside led Gujarat but I can.

Do you think speaking in English is important in politics? Modi has relied on Gujarati and Hindi.

I don't think in English. If I go on an English news channel, I will tell them that I will speak in Hindi. I think mostly in Gujarati. I'm fine with English, but not fluent. But I do think that English is important. Politics is also about perception. You have to send the message across that you are smart. English appeals more to the urban elite middle class.

Jignesh Mevani delivers a speech at a Dalit rally in Ahmedabad on September 10, 2016.

What is the question from the media that annoys you the most?

Congress ka agent hai. They try to diminish the ideology I stand for by linking me to the Congress.

Will it be tough to bounce back if the BJP wins Gujarat again?

If the BJP wins again - after the Dalit movement, the Patidar movement, the ASHA workers, the anganwaadi ki behne, the farmers' movement, Alpesh - it will be a setback to the poor people of this country. I will be sad. I will be sad because I can visualize what I could have done. I would love to be in the position to give an incredible boost to the Dalit movement.

Do you find yourself projecting yourself differently now that you could be a neta, how you speak and the way you dress?

I'm trying to be nicer when I talk. I'm not always successful. I get about 250 to 300 calls on my mobile, every day. I changed my number and gave my old phone to someone on my team. He has gone mad. There are some really crazy calls. People will call after midnight and simply say, "We are sitting in a chaupal with our friends - Jay Bhim." Imagine.

I haven't changed the way I dress. I still wear rotten clothes. I bought eight to ten kurtas of different colors for the election. I'm really enjoying wearing kurtas.

What is the life lesson that you have learnt in the past year?

This is an endless struggle. You need to be creative and innovative at every step. This country has produced great Marx scholars but people found them to be dull. It is very important to catch the imagination of the people. But there can be no compromise on the actual struggle at the grassroots. You can be nothing if you don't actually work for the people.

You can be nothing if you don't actually work for the people.

Also on HuffPost India:

A Hindu saint casts his vote inside a polling station during the last phase of Gujarat state assembly election on the outskirts of Ahmedabad, India, December 14, 2017. REUTERS/Amit Dave

5:52 pm: BJP has won 85 seats, is projected to win in 14 others. It needs seven more seats to form government in Gujarat. Congress has won 71 seats, and is leading in six other constituencies.

5:17 pm: BJP wins 84 seats, leads in 15 constituencies. Congress wins in 70 seats, leads in seven others.

5:03 pm:

"I would like to give credit for this victory to the people of Gujarat, also give assurance that in the coming 5 years BJP will work towards what the people of the state want" says Gujarat CM Vijay Rupani pic.twitter.com/YpoQa4R9cH
— ANI (@ANI) December 18, 2017

4:30 pm: Congress party president Rahul Gandhi concedes defeat, thanks voters.

My Congress brothers and sisters, you have made me very proud. You are different than those you fought because you fought anger with dignity. You have demonstrated to everyone that the Congress's greatest strength is its decency and courage.
— Office of RG (@OfficeOfRG) December 18, 2017

4:25 pm: "We won comfortably increased our vote share," says Amit Shah of the Gujarat elections in a press conference. "It was not a close contest at all."

BJP's vote share so far, according to Election Commission data, is 49.1% in Gujarat. Congress' share is 41.4%.

4:18 pm: BJP has won in 68 seats, while Congress has won 59 seats.

I congratulate Gujarat voters for their very balanced verdict at this hour.
It is a temporary and face-saving win, but it shows a moral defeat for BJP.
Gujarat voted against atrocities, anxiety and injustice caused to the common people. Gujarat belled the cat for 2019
— Mamata Banerjee (@MamataOfficial) December 18, 2017

4:08 pm: "We are now entering an era of politics of performance. In this new age, the party that does the most will get victory," Amit Shah says in press conference. "This is the sixth time we are going to form government in Gujarat."

We are confident that when we go into 2019 elections under the leadership of PM Modi we will once again get people's support and Modi ji's aim for the youth in 2022 will become a reality: Amit Shah, BJP President #HimachalResults #GujaratVerdict pic.twitter.com/ZpxjURYLvy
— ANI (@ANI) December 18, 2017

3:50 pm:

Congress workers who have spent months campaigning in Gujarat say, "We're disappointed but not despondent." #GujaratVerdict #GujaratElection2017 @HuffPostIndia
— Betwa Sharma (@betwasharma) December 18, 2017

3:45 pm: BJP wins 53 seats, Congress wins 47. BJP is leading in 46 constituencies while Congress is up in 30 others.

3:31 pm: Prime Minister Narendra Modi declares victory in Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh, thanks voters.

"Election results in Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh indicate a strong support for politics of good governance and development," he tweeted. "I salute the hardworking BJP Karyakartas in these states for their hardwork which has led to these impressive victories."

जीता विकास, जीता गुजरात।

जय जय गरवी गुजरात!
— Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) December 18, 2017

3:20 pm: Hardik Patel alleges that EVM machines are tampered in Surat.

3:07 pm:

"I express my gratitude to the people of Vadgam for all their support. Now I will raise the voice of Gujarat's discriminated sections in the assembly," says #JigneshMevani who is leading by 19696 votes from Vadgam #ElectionResults pic.twitter.com/IsInhayZ4M
— ANI (@ANI) December 18, 2017

2:57 pm:

Flags out in Gandhinagar as BJP leads in 100 "Jai Shri Ram" #GujaratVerdict #GujaratElection2017 @HuffPostIndia pic.twitter.com/DqmgHnbv9D
— Betwa Sharma (@betwasharma) December 18, 2017

2:19 pm: BJP has won 18 seats, and is leading in 82 constituencies. Congress has won 15 seats and is leading in 62 constituencies.

1:55 pm: Dalit leader Jignesh Mevani flashes victory sign. The 37-year-old is all set to win his maiden election from Vadgam.

pic.twitter.com/g8mn5CmLy6
— Jignesh Mevani (@jigneshmevani80) December 18, 2017

1:50 pm:

Abhi toh kuch nahi bolunga kyunki woh haal hi mein adhyaksh bane hain lekin 'sar mundwate hi ole pade': Union Home Minister Rajnath Singh on Rahul Gandhi #ElectionResults pic.twitter.com/6q8eMW1lZD
— ANI (@ANI) December 18, 2017

Undoubtedly, a major victory. The kind of work which Party workers have done right from booth workers level till PM's level, everybody put their best foot forward and both #Gujarat & #HimachalPradesh have recognised the good work going on in the name of development: N Sitharaman pic.twitter.com/HfkCleQlCZ
— ANI (@ANI) December 18, 2017

1:34 pm: BJP has won 10 seats, while Congress has won 8.

1:15 pm: BJP workers in various parts of the country start celebrating.

Maharashtra: BJP workers celebrate in Pune #GujaratVerdict #HimachalPradeshElections pic.twitter.com/Qwa3QnhO3x
— ANI (@ANI) December 18, 2017

J&K: BJP workers celebrate in Jammu #GujaratVerdict #HimachalPradeshElections pic.twitter.com/U46PBpRlCc
— ANI (@ANI) December 18, 2017

BJP workers celebrate outside party Headquarter in #Delhi as trends indicate party's victory in both #Himachal and #Gujarat pic.twitter.com/oyZyVi3Riz
— ANI (@ANI) December 18, 2017

Celebrations in #Mumbai as trends indicate BJP's victory in both #Himachal and #Gujarat #ElectionResults2017 pic.twitter.com/bWpAQRmqOv
— ANI (@ANI) December 18, 2017

Scene at BJP Headquarter in #Delhi as trends indicate party's victory in both #Himachal and #Gujarat pic.twitter.com/x1LKJMGnta
— ANI (@ANI) December 18, 2017

12:48 pm: BJP has won in four constituencies, and is leading in 98 others. Congress has won one seat and is leading in 73 constituencies.

12:37 pm:

"It is a matter of happiness for us, this is the victory of development," says Union Minister Smriti Irani, on a question about Congress giving a tough fight she said, "jo jeeta wohi sikandar. It is victory of every booth worker's hard work & the people who trusted development" pic.twitter.com/oJMQKK45NV
— ANI (@ANI) December 18, 2017

12:28 pm: Gujarat deputy CM Nitinbhai Patel has taken a clear lead in Mahesana over Congress' Jivabhai Patel. BJP is leading by about 7,000 votes in the constituency.

12:25 pm:

"If Rahul Gandhi wants to visit another temple, he should go the Ram Temple that we will build in Ayodhya," says BJP worker Umesh Israni #GujaratVerdict #GujaratElection2017 @HuffPostIndia pic.twitter.com/qJvxPiB9mA
— Betwa Sharma (@betwasharma) December 18, 2017

12:22 pm: BJP has won two seats and is leading in 102 constituencies. Congress has won in one seat and is leading in 71 constituencies.

12:00 pm: Gujarat CM Vijat Rupani will retain his Rajkot West seat.

11:43 am: BJP is leading in 103 constituencies, and has won in Porbandar. Congress is leading in 72 constituencies.

11:37 am: Election Commission declares BJP victory in Porbandar constituency. The BJP candidate won over their Congress rival by about 2,000 votes.

And so it begins at the BJP office in Gandhinagar: "Gujarat hamara hai, poora Bharat hamara hai"..."Desh ka leader kaisa ho, Narendra Modi jaisa ho"... "Bharat Mata Ki Jai"... "Jai Shri Ram Jai Shri Ram" #GujaratVerdict #GujaratElection2017 @HuffPostIndia pic.twitter.com/tvKIPGXqey
— Betwa Sharma (@betwasharma) December 18, 2017

11:30 am: It's a neck and neck contest between Gujarat deputy CM Nitinbhai Patel and Congress' Jivabhai Patel in Mahesana with barely a difference of 500 votes between them. BJP is leading in the constituency, but by a whisker.

11:12 am: Dalit leader and independent candidate Jignesh Mevani has a clear lead in Vadgam, while OBC leader Alpesh Thakor who is contesting as a Congress candidate from Radhanpur is also leading with 9,000 more votes than the trailing BJP candidate.

Independent candidate Jignesh Mevani greets people during election Campaign on December 10, 2017 in Vadgam, India.

11:00 am:

PM Modi flashes victory sign as BJP takes unassailable lead in #GujaratVerdict, #HimachalPradeshElections

Read @ANI story | https://t.co/Xduu9Dr1mK pic.twitter.com/c4Ey7YDoWQ
— ANI Digital (@ani_digital) December 18, 2017

10:57 am: Gujarat chief minister Vijay Rupani has a clear lead at Rajkot West with close to 33,000 votes. Congress' Indranil Rajguru is far behind at 17,551 votes.

ALSO READ: Congress Can Never Hijack Hindutva From The BJP, Says Gujarat's Deputy CM

10:55 am: BJP leading in 99 constituencies, while Congress is up in 71. BJP's vote share is 49.1% as compared to Congress' 41.5%.

10:42 am:

"Will form Government in both Himachal and Gujarat with clear majority" says Home Minister Rajnath Singh #HimachalPradeshElections2017 #GujaratVerdict pic.twitter.com/TZymBvklV7
— ANI (@ANI) December 18, 2017

10:38 am:

Sadhu Ram Yadav has come all the way from Rajasthan to Gujarat to shout "Modi Modi" - at the BJP office in Gandhinagar. #GujaratVerdict #GujaratElection2017 pic.twitter.com/VAxNLF71nW
— Betwa Sharma (@betwasharma) December 18, 2017

10:27 am: BJP leads in 95 out of 182 constituencies, Congress leads in 68. The BJP vote share is currently at 48.7%.

10:12 am: Gujarat chief minister Vijay Rupani swings back up with a clear lead in Rajkot West constituency. He is about 4,000 votes ahead of Congress' Indranil Rajguru. Counting is still in progress.

10:02 am: BJP leading in 86 constituencies, while Congress is leading in 66. Vote share between the two parties is divided almost evenly.

9:55 am: Independent candidate Jignesh Mevani, a Dalit leader fighting his first election, is leading in Vadgam constituency, with the BJP candidate trailing. Read his interview with HuffPost Indiahere.

9:47 am: Gujarat chief minister Vijay Rupani is trailing in Rajkot West, with Congress' Indranil Guru leading with about 400 more votes than Rupani. It's a neck and neck contest.

9:44 am: Gujarat deputy CM Nitinbhai Patel leading in Mahesana constituency with 4,297 votes. Congress' Jivabhai Ambalal Patel is close behind with 3,703 votes. Counting is still in progress.

9:33 am: BJP leads in 56 constituencies, with Congress close behind with leads in 50 constituencies. The Nationalist Congress Party, Bharatiya Tribal Party, and an independent candidate are leading in one constituency each.

9:22 am: BJP leading in 48 constituencies, Congress in 40. The Nationalist Congress Party is leading in one constituency.

9:18 am: Early trends show BJP leading in 24 constituencies, while Congress leads in 21 constituencies.

9:03 am: Congress leading in13 constituencies, while BJP is up in 10 constituencies.

8:59 am: BJP leads in seven constituencies: Bhavnagar East, Bhavnagar Rural, Ghatlodia, Nadiad, Porbandar, Umbergaon, Valsad. Congress is leading in six: Bhavnagar West, Dahod, Gariadhar, Mahudha, Mandvi, Talaja.

#UttarPradesh Supporters perform 'Havan' in #Varanasi as counting of votes continues for Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh assembly elections pic.twitter.com/V5yOEgOo71
— ANI UP (@ANINewsUP) December 18, 2017

8:52 am: BJP leading in six constituencies, Congress in three. 51% of vote share to BJP at the moment, while 42.5% to Congress.

8:47 am: BJP and Congress both leading in two constituencies each.

EC Official Trends for #GujaratElection2017: BJP leading on 2 seats, Porbandar & Bhavnagar East; Congress also leading on 2 seats, Mandvi & Nadiad.
— ANI (@ANI) December 18, 2017

8:00 am: Counting of votes has begun in Gujarat, where exit polls suggest a win for the Bharatiya Janata Party, which has not lost in the state assembly elections since 1995.

ALSO READ:
Jignesh Mevani: 'Fascism Is Fascism. It'll Ruin Our Country'
'Does Muslim Life Even Matter In India,' Asks A Doctor In Gujarat
Young Muslims Want A Hardik Patel Of Their Own
Win, Lose Or Draw, Rahul Gandhi Has Emerged Stronger From Gujarat

GANDHINAGAR, Gujarat — If the exit polls are to be believed, the Bharatiya Janata Party has prevailed over its rivals, old and new, and will emerge victorious in the 2017 Assembly election today.

But no matter who wins or loses today, both the national parties are guilty of indulging in competitive Hindutva politics to win the state polls. Neither the ruling party nor the Congress have addressed Muslims, almost 10 percent of Gujarat'S population, in the course of their respective campaigns.

While the BJP's silent treatment came as no surprise, the Congress too was careful not say or do anything that would appear as minority appeasement.

With Rahul Gandhi's temple visiting spree gaining traction and media attention, the BJP was somewhat rattled by the Congress' transparent play for Hindu votes. Hindu nationalists hit back with a slew of communal remarks, proving that no one can do Hindutva quite like the saffron party.

On the eve of counting day, HuffPost India caught up with Gujarat's Deputy Chief Minister Nitinbhai Ratilal Patel to ask why the BJP continues falling back on religious polarization to win elections. The 61-year-old leader told us that he is not worried about the Congress hijacking Hindutva from the BJP. "The Congress won't do it because they have told the Muslims that they are not communal and they are not pro-Hindu," he said.

There has been some speculation that if the BJP wins the election, Patel, the lawmaker from Mahesana, who belongs to the powerful Patidar community, could be the next chief minister of Gujarat. But for that to happen, Patel will have to win Mahesana, which was starting point of of the Hardik Patel-led Patidar agitation against the BJP.

Edited excerpts:

Why did BJP leaders again fall back on communal remarks during the campaign? For instance, Prime Minister Narendra Modi compared Rahul Gandhi's elevation to "Aurangzeb Raj."

We did not take up communal issues. It is the Congress leaders who gave us these issues. When Rahul Gandhi was filling the form to be the Congress president, it was their netas who brought up dynasty and Aurangzeb. They made the connection. Then our people made the issue. If they would not have said it then we would not have said it.

(Former Congress lawmaker Mani Shankar Aiyar has accused Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the BJP of distorting his remarks).

What about the PM claiming interference by Pakistan in the election, what about Yogi Adityanath saying that Rahul Gandhi was sitting in the namaz position in a temple?

It was important to raise these issues because they started it. If Rahul Gandhi had regularly visited temples then none of these issues would have come up. When I go to the temple, there are no questions. When Narendra Modi goes to temples, whether it is in India, Nepal or abroad, there are no questions. There are no questions because he is a Hindu and goes naturally to temples for darshan. Rahul Gandhi did not visit temples earlier, but he suddenly started. In Gujarat, he went to 22 temples. (Gandhi visited 25 temples). People thought it was election drama. This drama became widely talked about.

But how does it warrant Yogi Adityanath's remark?

It was said because perhaps Rahul Gandhi does not know how to sit in a temple and that is why we made it a issue. There is a way of sitting in a temple, a mosque and in the church. If you don't know how then of course that will become a topic of discussion.

Is the BJP afraid of Congress hijacking Hindutva?

The Congress won't do it because they have told the Muslims that they are not communal and they are not pro-Hindu. If they are pro-Hindu, then going to temples is just a start. Rahul Gandhi will have to give a statement saying that Ram Temple should be built in Ayodhya. The Congress will have to campaign for it. If you recall, the Congress submitted an affidavit to the Supreme Court, saying that there was nothing like the Ram Setu bridge between India and Sri Lanka.

Now, they are saying that Rahul is "janeu dhaari". We think it is a good thing and we welcome his going to temples but people will see through it.

Both parties have ignored Muslims in this Assembly election. Why has the BJP not fielded a single Muslim representative since 1995?

We fight elections to win. The strategy is that every candidate from each seat should win. Our government has done a lot of things. We chose Dr. Abdul Kalam to be president. BJP did it. NDA did it.

Let's talk about Jignesh Mevani, Hardik Patel and Alpesh Thakor. Have they given the BJP its toughest electoral fight since 1995?

It has not happened because of them, it happened because of the public. The Patidar movement is because of the public. The other two are with the Congress, one directly and the other indirectly. The state of the Congress is worthy of pity because they don't have 182 candidates of their own to field. They have to support other people. Let's see what happens to the two people who are standing in the election.

The exit polls suggest that you are going to win. But do you acknowledge that Congress has made things hard for the BJP, this year?

Every party works to win every election. This year, Rahul Gandhi came. In the previous elections, Sonia Gandhi used to come. Each political party has to campaign among the people and ask them for votes. I don't understand why everyone is making such a big deal about it. Congress has done its work and we have done ours.

The BJP did appear rattled.

No. We are experienced. The BJP workers know how to fight elections. There were other issues during the 2007 and the 2012 elections. This time around, the issues are different. We had our strategies and we kept going. That's all.

Also on HuffPost India:

Gujarat state Chief Minister Vijay Rupani shows his inked finger after casting his ballot during the first phase of Vidhan Sabha elections of Gujarat state at Rajkot, some 220 kms from Ahmedabad on December 9, 2017.

Gujarat Chief Minister and senior Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader Vijay Rupani is leading his Congress rival Indranil Rajguru from Rajkot (West) by over 20,000 votes, three hours after counting began in Gujarat Assembly elections 2017.

Rupani polled 46159 votes while Rajguru secured 25359 votes, as per Election Commission data.

Rupani, for whom the Rajkot (West) is a prestige seat, was trailing to Rajguru after the first hour of counting of votes. It's a seat special for the BJP for many reasons, the main being that Prime Minister Narendra Modi won his first election in February 2002 from the constituency that was earlier known as Rajkot–II.

Considered a "safe seat" for the saffron party, Modi had personally campaigned from Rajkot (West) in the run up to the elections in Gujarat. In an emotional speech, he had said it is because of the people of Rajkot he made his way to New Delhi.

After being sworn in as the Chief Minister of Gujarat in October 2001, Modi won a by-election from Rajkot-II and went on to become a legislator in the state assembly.

In Mehsana, the seat of the Patidar agitation led by Hardik Patel, Deputy CM Nitin Patel is also leading the elections against the Congress's Jivabhai Patel by over 12000 votes.

The BJP is set to retain power in Gujarat.

Even as the BJP is in a neck and neck battle with the Congress in Gujarat, things look much smoother for them in the Himachal Pradesh Assembly polls, where trends show that the party is sent to win.

Party workers in the state are already in the celebratory mood as Election Commission results show that the BJP has won in 1 seat while leading in 105 seats, the Congress is trailing far behind leading in only 70 seats at the moment.

#HimachalPradeshElections2017: Pradesh: Workers celebrate at party office in Shimla as trends indicate BJP's victory in the state. pic.twitter.com/0SlktZd6J1
— ANI (@ANI) December 18, 2017

However, BJP chief ministerial candidate Prem Kumar Dhumal is trailing in Sujanpur. Incumbent Chief Minister Virbhadra Singh and his son Vikramaditya are leading in their seats in Arki and Shimla Rural.

Vikramaditya Singh had earlier in the day said Congress will win, but it looks highly unlikely.

Congress will form government in Himachal Pradesh: Vikramaditya Singh pic.twitter.com/8U0hYXZqtI
— NDTV Videos (@ndtvvideos) December 18, 2017

According to EC data, the incumbent CM is leading by over 4000 votes against BJP's Rattan Singh Pal. In Shimla Rural, his son is leading is also leading with over 4000 votes against BJP candidate Dr Pramod Sharma.

It's a close fight between Dhumal, who at the moment has a little over 10,000 votes, and Congress candidate Rajinder Rana who has over 12,000 votes.

The Indian Express had reported during the run up to the polls in the state that the Parivartan campaign started by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and BJP chief Amit Shah had seen success, indicating winds of change in the state.

During the last elections in 2012, Dhumal had lost against Singh with the BJP winning only 26 seats against 36 seats won by the Congress.

But feverish campaigning by the Modi-Shah duo seems to have done the magic that it did in Uttarkhand and in Uttar Pradesh.

VADGAM, INDIA - DECEMBER 11: An independent candidate Jignesh Mevani greets people during election Campaign on December 10, 2017 in Vadgam, India. (Photo by Kunal Patil/Hindustan Times via Getty Images)

Dalit leader Jignesh Mevani has arrived with a bang. The independent candidate is swept the elections in Vadgam constituency with a huge victory over Bharatiya Janata Party rival Vijaykumar Harkhabhai. At over 95,000 votes, the 37-year-old won his first election by a huge margin of 20,000 votes.

"Fascism is fascism. It will ruin our country if we stay silent any longer," Mevani told HuffPost India's Betwa Sharma last week.

Vadgam is one of the dozen constituencies reserved for members of the scheduled caste community in Gujarat.

pic.twitter.com/g8mn5CmLy6
— Jignesh Mevani (@jigneshmevani80) December 18, 2017

Congress had withdrawn its candidate from Vadgam to help Mevani in the contest. Congress had won the seat in the last three elections. Aam Aadmi Party too announced in a statement that it would not field a candidate from Vadgam.

Mevani, a law graduate and former journalist, had emerged as a leader of a Dalit agitation in Gujarat after four Dalit men were tied to a car and beaten up in Una for skinning a dead cow.

"Shock therapy needs to be given to some individuals from upper castes," he had said at the time.

A year later, Mevani appears to have kept his promise.

ALSO READ: The Leader Of The Fledgling Dalit Uprising In Gujarat Is Determined To Not Let It Die

After a neck and neck battle with the Congress in Gujarat, the BJP seems to be coming to power in both Himachal Pradesh and Prime Minister Narendra Modi's home state. After the initial struggle that had party workers worried, celebrations have begun in BJP offices across the country.

Leaders of the party including Rajnath Singh, Smriti Irani and others have hailed it as the good work of party workers. Meanwhile, the Congress have been largely silent has they have lost state after state to the BJP since it came to power at the Centre in 2014.

Here are some reactions to BJP's big in in Himachal Pradesh and Gujarat:

BJP chief Amit Shah called it a win against communalism, dynastic politics and politics of appeasement:

गुजरात और हिमाचल प्रदेश विधानसभा चुनावों में भाजपा की जीत..जातिवाद, वंशवाद और तुष्टीकरण के खिलाफ प्रधानमंत्री श्री @narendramodi जी के विकासवाद की जीत है ।
— Amit Shah (@AmitShah) December 18, 2017

Prime Minister Narendra Modi called it a victory for Gujarat and development:

जीता विकास, जीता गुजरात।

जय जय गरवी गुजरात!
— Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) December 18, 2017

Election results in Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh indicate a strong support for politics of good governance and development. I salute the hardworking BJP Karyakartas in these states for their hardwork which has led to these impressive victories.
— Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) December 18, 2017

I bow to the people of Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh for their affection and trust in BJP. I assure them that we will leave no stone unturned in furthering the development journey of these states and serve the people tirelessly.
— Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) December 18, 2017

Congress President Rahul Gandhi conceded defeat saying:

The Congress party accepts the verdict of the people and congratulates the new governments in both states. I thank the people of Gujarat and Himachal with all my heart for the love they showed me.
— Office of RG (@OfficeOfRG) December 18, 2017

My Congress brothers and sisters, you have made me very proud. You are different than those you fought because you fought anger with dignity. You have demonstrated to everyone that the Congress's greatest strength is its decency and courage.
— Office of RG (@OfficeOfRG) December 18, 2017

Union minister Rajnath Singh refused to make a comment, but did flash the victory sign.

Delhi: Union Minister Rajnath Singh flashes victory sign outside Parliament as trends indicate BJP's victory in both Gujarat & Himachal Pradesh #GujaratVerdict #HimachalPradeshElections2017 pic.twitter.com/8x8q5gGNsp
— ANI (@ANI) December 18, 2017

Abhi toh kuch nahi bolunga kyunki woh haal hi mein adhyaksh bane hain lekin 'sar mundwate hi ole pade': Union Home Minister Rajnath Singh on Rahul Gandhi #ElectionResults pic.twitter.com/6q8eMW1lZD
— ANI (@ANI) December 18, 2017

West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee congratulated voters of Gujarat for a 'balanced verdict':

I congratulate Gujarat voters for their very balanced verdict at this hour.
It is a temporary and face-saving win, but it shows a moral defeat for BJP.
Gujarat voted against atrocities, anxiety and injustice caused to the common people. Gujarat belled the cat for 2019
— Mamata Banerjee (@MamataOfficial) December 18, 2017

First time candidate Jigensh Mevani said:

"I express my gratitude to the people of Vadgam for all their support. Now I will raise the voice of Gujarat's discriminated sections in the assembly," says #JigneshMevani who is leading by 19696 votes from Vadgam #ElectionResults pic.twitter.com/IsInhayZ4M
— ANI (@ANI) December 18, 2017

Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath praised the BJP leadership and took a dig at the Congress

People have rejected divisive politics of Congress, this win is due to the dynamic leadership of BJP and the hard work of BJP workers: Yogi Adityanath,UP CM on #ElectionResults pic.twitter.com/E3BrGhanCc
— ANI UP (@ANINewsUP) December 18, 2017

Maine pehle hi kaha tha ki Congress ka netritve badalna BJP ke liye shubh sanket hoga: Yogi Adityanath,UP CM on #ElectionResults pic.twitter.com/kfYUdGBCms
— ANI UP (@ANINewsUP) December 18, 2017

Union Minister Nirmala Sitharam said people have recognised BJP's good work in the name of development:

Undoubtedly, a major victory. The kind of work which Party workers have done right from booth workers level till PM's level, everybody put their best foot forward and both #Gujarat & #HimachalPradesh have recognised the good work going on in the name of development: N Sitharaman pic.twitter.com/HfkCleQlCZ
— ANI (@ANI) December 18, 2017

Smriti Irani too called it a victory for development:

"It is a matter of happiness for us, this is the victory of development," says Union Minister Smriti Irani, on a question about Congress giving a tough fight she said, "jo jeeta wohi sikandar. It is victory of every booth worker's hard work & the people who trusted development" pic.twitter.com/oJMQKK45NV
— ANI (@ANI) December 18, 2017

BJP leader Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi congratulated Narendra Modi and Amit Shah:

Congratulations to PM Shri @narendramodi, BJP President Shri @AmitShah and all the workers of @BJP4India for victory in Gujarat & Himachal Pradesh Assembly elections. pic.twitter.com/WSszz7c1g6
— Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi (@naqvimukhtar) December 18, 2017

Meanwhile, PTI quoted him as saying, "Jo jeeta wohi Sikandar. This is the message to those who joked about vikas."

While the BJP was in a celebratory mood, Patidar leader Hardik Patel claimed EVMs were rigged.

There has been tampering in EVMs in Surat,Rajkot and Ahmedabad, hence the gap is very less wherever tampering happened. EVMs are hackable: Hardik Patel pic.twitter.com/cPNaItPrbw
— ANI (@ANI) December 18, 2017

#BREAKING

When ATMs can be hacked, why can't EVMs be hacked, says Patidar leader Hardik Patel

Keep following our LIVE blog for more updates: https://t.co/MaFvrvFG9M #VerdictWithTimes #GujaratElection2017 #GujaratVerdict pic.twitter.com/DJ7fKVBP9k
— Times of India (@timesofindia) December 18, 2017

PATAN, INDIA - DECEMBER 11: Congress candidate from Radhanpur constituency Alpesh Thakor greets people during election campaign at Radhanpur , on December 11, 2017 in Patan, India. (Photo by Kunal Patil/Hindustan Times via Getty Images)

A 40-year-old leader from the OBC (Other Backward Classes) community, Alpesh Thakor, won in Radhanpur constituency in Gujarat, beating his Bharatiya Janata Party rival by around 15,000 votes. Thakor joined the Congress just ahead of the election.

Thakor is the convenor of the OBC, ST and ST Ekta Manch, which he started last year. Radhanpur has been a BJP bastion since 1998, but on Monday, the OBC leader from Congress surged ahead with over 85,000 votes. His BJP rival, Lavingji Thakor, had joined BJP ahead of the election after being denied a Congress ticket.

The highest number of voters in the constituency belong to the Thakor community, closely followed by the Chaudhary group. Alpesh Thakor is the son of Congress leader Khodaji Thakore, who reportedly switched from BJP to Congress in the mid 1990s.

Alpesh Thakor has passionately campaigned against liquor addiction in Gujarat earlier, but turned to politics to help the farmer community.

Also On HuffPost:

Indian Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) President Amit Shah (C) shows the victory sign to supporters as he arrives to address a press conference at the party headquarters in New Delhi on December 18, 2017.

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is set to form governments in both Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh, leading to further consolidation of the saffron party's fortunes in northern parts of the country, even as a resurgent Congress under the new leadership of President Rahul Gandhi put up a close fight but fell short.

At 5 PM, Election Commission data showed that the BJP comfortably edged past the halfway mark of 92 in the 182-seat state assembly and was projected to win 100 seats. It had won in 80 and was leading in 20 of the 154 seats for which results were known. The Congress, whose tally slipped in the course of the day, won 70 and was leading in 6 of the 77 seats it was projected to win.

This will be a record six-time win for BJP in Gujarat, a state it has ruled for two decades. Chief Minister and senior BJP leader Vijay Rupani was also set to win from Rajkot (West), a prestige seat special to the BJP for many reasons, the main being that Prime Minister Narendra Modi won his first election in February 2002 from the constituency which at that time was known as Rajkot–II.

Modi, who had campaigned extensively for Gujarat, handed the victory back to the people, saying it indicated "a strong support for politics of good governance and development."

I bow to the people of Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh for their affection and trust in BJP. I assure them that we will leave no stone unturned in furthering the development journey of these states and serve the people tirelessly.
— Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) December 18, 2017

Though these elections saw the emergence of a more confident Rahul Gandhi, ready to take on Modi in the all-too-crucial 2019 general elections, the eminent wins of two youth leaders scripted history on Monday. They may perhaps have also changed the course of the conversation in the state in the days to come. Independent candidate Jignesh Mevani, and Congress's Alpesh Thakor looked set to win from Gujarat's Vadgam and Radhanpur constituencies.

A supporter of India's ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) holds a placard as he celebrates outside the party headquarters in New Delhi on December 18, 2017.

Rise Of New Leaders

The youth leaders, faces of the state's oppressed communities, burst into the scene in the run-up to the elections to unitedly fight the Goliath-like saffron party, raising issues of communal polarisation, poverty and oppression.

ALSO READ: Dalit Leader Jignesh Mevani Wins By A Landslide
ALSO READ: 'Fascism Is Fascism. It Will Ruin Our Country'
ALSO READ: Alpesh Thakor Sweeps BJP Bastion Radhanpur

"I express my gratitude to the people of Vadgam for all their support. Now I will raise the voice of Gujarat's discriminated sections in the assembly," Mevani said. Gandhi conceded defeat in both states by congratulating party workers for fighting the elections with dignity.

The Congress party accepts the verdict of the people and congratulates the new governments in both states. I thank the people of Gujarat and Himachal with all my heart for the love they showed me.
— Office of RG (@OfficeOfRG) December 18, 2017

The celebrations at the BJP office in Gandhinagar were initially low-key as Congress was neck-and-neck an hour after counting began. However as the BJP tally improved — albeit a lower score than its last in the state — the mood picked up among party workers. Chants of "Modi, Modi" rent the air. The PM himself raised two fingers in a victory sign outside Parliament, reassuring workers that the party will pull through despite Congress's close fight.

In Himachal Pradesh, BJP wrested power out of the hands of Congress. BJP is projected to win 44 and Congress 21 seats in the 68-seat legislative assembly.

Acid Test

The assembly elections were being seen as a test for both Modi and Gandhi – the former for poorly-implemented economic measures that caused mass inconvenience, and the latter for coming into his own as a political leader who can not only take on the PM in 2019, but also rally around party workers dispirited after Congress's fall from electoral fortunes in recent times.

Both Modi and Gandhi have exchanged barbs while campaigning. While Gandhi had mocked the PM about implementation of the goods and services tax (GST), calling it the Gabbar Singh Tax, Modi insinuated, without presenting evidence, Pakistani interference in collusion with the Congress in the Gujarat elections.

Rahul Gandhi, Vice-President of India's main opposition Congress Party, addresses his supporters during an election campaign meeting ahead of the second phase of Gujarat state assembly elections, in Dakor.

With both Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh in its kitty, the BJP has cleared its toughest political hurdle, created by demonetisation, GST, and unkept promises, since it came to power at the Centre three years ago. The party, that has been on a winning streak and has already set the ball rolling for the three north eastern states that go to polls early next year, now controls nearly 70 per cent of India and continues to look invincible.

On the other hand, even in their defeat in Gujarat, the Congress and the Hardik Patel-Alpesh Thakor-Jignesh Mevani trio have also won the battle because they have almost overrun the defence of the Narendra Modi-Amit Shah machinery that was all about State power, money, communal polarisation, and even malevolence. It was not an election fought by the BJP, but by Modi who made it appear like a personal war in which he didn't mind breaking conventions of political decency.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi on the first day of the winter session of Parliament in New Delhi.

More than 40 public meetings by the Prime Minister of the country, who even alleged that the Congress conspired with Pakistan to defeat his party, the presence of almost the entire central cabinet in the state, and the postponement of the winter session of the Parliament were extraordinary measures for a state election; still the Congress managed to wrest 19 precious seats and in many constituencies the fight was very close. Had they started earlier, and been more strategic, probably they could have taken the race down to the wire.

There will be significantly more opposition legislators, more resistance in the assembly, and unprecedentedly fearless voices such as that of Thakor and Mevani on the other side of the line.

Compared to its 115 seats in 2012 in a house of 182, what the BJP now has is just more than a simple majority and in a few seats that would keep it in power, the difference of vote-share is wafer-thin. Still, it's a win indeed and a continuation of undisrupted power for more than two decades. But the ride is not going to be as easy as before. There will be significantly more opposition legislators, more resistance in the assembly, and unprecedentedly fearless voices such as that of Thakor and Mevani on the other side of the line.

Arguably, Gujarat was BJP's biggest political vulnerability since Narendra Modi became the Prime minister for a number of reasons. The natural anti-incumbency built over five continuous terms, a series of remarkable resistance movements such as the Patidar and Dalit agitations, the Patel-Thakor-Mevani combo, the harmful impact of demonetisation and GST on the business and trading communities, and a resurgent Rahul Gandhi, formed a seemingly formidable wall against the BJP-juggernaut; still the party has been able to push forward.

Independent candidate Jignesh Mevani greets people during election campaign on December 10, 2017 in Vadgam.

There's no parallel for this record in Indian history except in West Bengal where the Communists ruled for seven consecutive terms before its eventual disappearance.

For the Congress, Gujarat offers hope not only because it has been able to win more seats than many pollsters predicted, but also because it saw Gandhi coming of age both as a capable leader and as a politician who can convene likeminded pressure groups. While leading the anti-BJP campaign from the front with enormous vigour and purpose, that too not in fits and starts that he has been notorious for, he also offered considerable space for Patel, Thakor and Mevani to push forward with their fearless politics.

Even when Mevani was unwilling to join hands with him, Rahul showed strategic political sagacity and chose to give up a seat where the Congress had a sitting MLA.

And the result? The BJP will now have to face a ferocious Mevani in the assembly, the man who minces no words in slamming the BJP as fascist party. It won't be surprising if Mevani emerges as a national leader who can consolidate the Dalit votes against the BJP. In no other recent election, Modi and Shah faced daring community leaders such as Patel, Thakor and Mevani.

Congress candidate from Radhanpur constituency Alpesh Thakor greets people during election campaign at Radhanpur , on December 11, 2017 in Patan, India.

Had the BJP lost Gujarat, it would have been a major setback because the state is the jewel in its crown. The party's development credo comes from the so called "Gujarat Model" and Modi had created an idea of sub-national pride that any attack against him or the party was dubbed as an attack on Gujarat and vice versa. Modi has been able to take this Gujarati, Hindu majoritarian consciousness even to the diaspora.

Probably, Gujarat may offer a model of caste consolidation to the rest of India against Hindu consolidation, something similar to the Dravidian politics of Tamil Nadu.

In fact, this is where the significance of the inroads made by the rivals lie. The foundation of the Gujarati pride, that appeared to be in oneness with the BJP or Modi, is not as secure as it had been before. The Hindu consolidation looks threatened by the caste interests of the Patidars and the Dalits, and the most vociferous leaders of the BJP such as Amit Shah and Yogi Adityanath are now accusing the rivals of caste polarisation. Probably, Gujarat may offer a model of caste consolidation to the rest of India against Hindu consolidation, something similar to the Dravidian politics of Tamil Nadu. More over, that the BJP's majority came from urban votes, offers something to work on.

Interestingly, the other state, Himachal Pradesh where the BJP won with a significant majority by defeating the incumbent Congress was completely eclipsed by Gujarat. That's the significance of this small state in Indian politics. As West Bengal chief minister Mamta Banerjee said, Gujarat "belled the cat for 2019".

The Congress and opposition parties in different parts of India are indeed tempted by the possibilities of a united opposition. Will it work in 2019? There are eight more assembly elections that are due before that.

(The opinions expressed in this post are the personal views of the author. They do not necessarily reflect the views of HuffPost India. Any omissions or errors are the author's and HuffPost India does not assume any liability or responsibility for them.)

J.K. Rowling has finally spoken out about the decision to cast Johnny Depp as Grindelwald in the ‘Harry Potter’ spin-off series, ‘Fantastic Beasts’.

The author has previously come under fire for her silence on the topic, particularly as she regularly uses her Twitter page to speak out over feminist issues.

Many fans of the wizarding series having been critical of the decision to cast Depp, following negative headlines surrounding his personal life in the past two years.

Finally addressing the matter on her website, the author has said that despite fans’ concerns, she feels “genuinely happy” to have Depp on board.

She explained in a statement: “When Johnny Depp was cast as Grindelwald, I thought he’d be wonderful in the role.

“However, around the time of filming his cameo in the first movie, stories had appeared in the press that deeply concerned me and everyone most closely involved in the franchise.”

The author continued: “‘Harry Potter’ fans had legitimate questions and concerns about our choice to continue with Johnny Depp in the role.

“As David Yates, long-time Potter director, has already said, we naturally considered the possibility of recasting. I understand why some have been confused and angry about why that didn’t happen.”

Alluding to Depp’s relationship with ex-wife Amber Heard, which ended in a much-publicised court battle and allegations of domestic abuse, Rowling concluded: “The agreements that have been put in place to protect the privacy of two people, both of whom have expressed a desire to get on with their lives, must be respected.

“Based on our understanding of the circumstances, the filmmakers and I are not only comfortable sticking with our original casting, but genuinely happy to have Johnny playing a major character in the movies.

“I accept that there will be those who are not satisfied with our choice of actor in the title role. However, conscience isn’t governable by committee. Within the fictional world and outside it, we all have to do what we believe to be the right thing.”

Since then, a statement issued to HuffPost UK from Warner Bros added: “We are of course aware of reports that surfaced around the end of Johnny Depp’s marriage, and take seriously the complexity of the issues involved.

“This matter has been jointly addressed by both parties, in a statement in which they said ‘there was never any intent of physical or emotional harm’.

“Based on the circumstances and the information available to us, we, along with the filmmakers, continue to support the decision to proceed with Johnny Depp in the role of Grindelwald in this and future films.”

Last month, ‘Fantastic Beasts’ director David Yates faced criticism when he spoke out in defence of Depp, dismissing the accusations of domestic violence against the star as his ex-wife “taking a pop”.

These allegations were first made by Amber Heard in May 2016, when she sought a temporary restraining order against her estranged husband. The couple’s divorce was settled outside of court.

While this meant many details of the split remained private, some pieces of evidence leaked to the press, including a video of Depp drinking and appearing to throw a bottle in his kitchen.

A photograph of a mirror, stained with the name of a man Depp thought his wife was having an affair with, was also published online.

In a joint statement, the couple labelled their marriage “at times volatile, but always bound by love”. Heard then donated her entire £7 million settlement to charity, giving half to an organisation that works to prevent domestic violence.

'Harry Potter': Where Are They Now?

KOLKATA, WEST BENGAL, INDIA - 2017/12/04: Students take part in a rally to protest against school management in Kolkata.

Till about a few years ago, conversations around child sexual abuse at average Indian homes were inevitably doused in staggering amounts of disbelief. The eyes-widening, jaw-dropping kind I saw on my mother's face as she narrated with great consternation why many years ago, my junior school 'van kaku (uncle)' was abruptly asked to leave.

Roughly a decade and half after the incident first left her puzzled, many years and attempts of us trying to have conversations about sexual abuse without resorting to confusing euphemisms, disbelief was still the main emotion when she recounted why a school van driver, trusted by the family to ferry me to and back from my school, was sacked.

I have no memory of the incident, but she said I had once made an 'odd' demand of not wanting to take the same van to school. The 'van' was effectively a rickshaw, which I took with another girl, and was driven by a local man. After dropping off my friend, my van driver would often stop the vehicle somewhere relatively isolated and demand to be kissed. He also refused to budge from the spot and take me home till I obliged. My mother added that I told her I never hugged him or kissed him because he constantly chewed tobacco and spat on the road. Nevertheless, the driver kept making the same demands every day, and I kept getting off his van which didn't have locked doors and tried wandering away.

So he had to bring me back. The driver was let go and perhaps warned against working in the neighbourhood again. Following months of a family member escorting me to school, I was enrolled for the school bus service — a decision based on the understanding that the safe space that school was meant to be, was by default extended to the bus that transported us. Fortunately for me, the helper and the driver of the bus were the kindest, most responsible people I knew for the eight years I took the bus. However, not everyone had such luck. Three years back, there were allegations that a school bus driver and helper in GD Birla Centre for Education, Kolkata, had molested a first standard student inside the bus.

So when the same school found itself in the eye of a child sexual assault allegation recently again, I really hoped the intervening years and the access to information they offered, had taught us to ask the right questions, respond in a way that leaves no window for such incidents to occur in not just this school, but any school for that matter.

I often can't help thinking that the idea of what was 'safe' when I was a student at the school was completely built on trust, and not active, logical vigilance. My parents, like many others, acted on what traditional wisdom deigned 'safe' – an expensive private school, a school bus, a man known to them for years to ferry a private van.

In all fairness, in pre-internet, pre-GPS and pre-mobile phone days, there wasn't much apart from their gut feeling that they could to fall back upon anyway. And the idea that children, as young as a nursery student, could be the subject of perverse sexual interest clearly didn't occur to them. The predators, however, were no less in number then, than they are now – every second person I know of my age have narrated incidents of being abused and sexually harassed as a child.

While the accused in the GD Birla case have been arrested and demands to arrest Manjushree Khaitan, the head of the governing body which runs several schools in the city, have picked up steam, social media pages for school alumnus and particularly my timeline have raised an alarming number of 'issues' that, unfortunately, are far removed from the reality of child safety.

As a society we are still incapable of having a coherent conversation about incidents of abuse faced by children.

The nature of these conversations are particularly disheartening because not only are they compromising the scope of having a practical discussion about the best possible way we can compel schools to become accountable for the safety of children, but they are evidence that as a society we are still incapable of having a coherent conversation about incidents of abuse faced by children.

The first wave of reaction that surfaced, the moment the incident hit the headlines, was an exasperated chorus of former students and general observers wondering what business the school had hiring male teachers when the students were predominantly girls. There is hardly anything more myopic than concluding that the best way to make a school safe for girl children would be to not have any male staff.

In a country where patriarchal conditioning jeopardises possibilities of having healthy, guiltless interaction between millions of men and women every minute, a modern, progressive school shouldn't act as a space which encourages children to treat the opposite sex with anxiety, confusion and fear. That apart, in a space where children are quite literally coached to take on a world where human interaction is mostly not mediated by a third responsible party, creating a world without men would be essentially false and counter-productive.

By demanding that a school have no male teacher, one only helps schools take the easy way around actually making their institutions sensitive, alert and evolved.

By demanding that a school have no male teacher, one only helps schools take the easy way around actually making their institutions sensitive, alert and evolved. It is the schools' responsibility to not only take help of available technology and be vigilant, but also sensitise the staff about sexual crimes – a prickly subject even today for most conservative institutions.

Sexual abuse of minors in educational institutions is as real a possibility as a child tripping while running unsupervised in the playground or getting into a fistfight. My mother has been a school teacher for over two decades and the latter are possibilities that schools give serious thoughts while planning everything from a school trip to where the students should be during breaks between classes. But when it comes to sexual abuse of children, schools still struggle to come to terms with the issue, leave alone formulating a foolproof plan to fight it.

Apart from fatuous and unhelpful online petitions demanding death penalty for the accused or comments demanding a callous principal be physically accosted, several alumnus and observers have started petitions demanding the school be shut down immediately or its affiliation cancelled. The shut-down-the-school-to-prevent-assault demand is uncannily similar to the stay-at-home-if-you-don't-want-to-get-raped solution often foisted on women.

Even if we leave aside how that would endanger the future of hundreds of students who'd be left in the lurch mid-term, this demand again excuses schools from making any real effort to be vigilant about the safety of their students. Since it is practically impossible that parents of over 1000 students will agree to the shutting down of a school overnight, suggestions such as these will only divide the people who can hold the school accountable.

Finally, as alumnus, survivors of abuse in other spaces and bystanders, we should demand that schools manage to frame a practical tutorial and empower students to feel safe and reassured enough to report threatening behaviour from the staff to a concerned authority. For example, like very young students learn that they cannot just open their lunchbox in the middle of a lesson and start eating, teachers can make them understand that under any given circumstance a staff member shouldn't be leading them to an isolated spot in the school.

My colleague, mother to a four-year-old son, emphatically says that though her son is has been made aware of good touch-bad touch, dangers lurking in familiar spaces, a child as young as that is capable of exercising just limited caution and distrust. "He'd probably walk into a loo (lured by someone) thinking there maybe a surprise inside," she says.

As educators, schools will then have to formulate a language and rhetoric that helps a child see such overtures as inappropriate, and yet not feel intimidated by the idea of school itself.

As children, we saw our school as the place where we built life-long bonds of friendship and trust. It's a place our nostalgia as adults draws from in moments of solitude. It's tragic when a child's trust in her school is broken because the adults entrusted to keep her safe failed in their duty. It's criminal.

We have to give back our schools to our children, let's start by asking the right questions.

Despite cold weather people queuing outside the State Bank of India branch to get cash at Batala Road on December 29, 2016 in Amritsar.

A fierce attack on India's large informal market a year ago, and its resilience in gaining back its conventional character right now are two common themes in the slew of analysis a year after demonetisation.

Data from various reports points at the long-term damage to the rural markets due to a sustained fall in commodity prices and loss of cash wages, which negatively affected the farming sector and consumption in rural areas. Contrary to that, recovery in urban informal markets has reportedly been quicker.

So how do we understand the resilience of urban informality in India?

One way it to know how the urban poor finance their household expenses and small businesses despite the weak conventional financial infrastructure provisioned to them.

One way it to know how the urban poor finance their household expenses and small businesses despite the weak conventional financial infrastructure provisioned to them.

The presence of a large number of banks and formal credit institutions in Indian cities does not facilitate sufficient access to the urban poor because access to finance is also about the processes, spatiality, technology and rules. A bank located in a middle-class neighbourhood requires forms to be filled, needs KYC documents, requires a minimum balance to be maintained, a guarantee for loans, and access to mobile technology.

These general 'gatekeeper' barriers often make such sites inaccessible to the urban poor.

Trinamool Congress (TMC) political party agitation as part of a nationwide protest against demonetisation Front of Reserve Bank of India (RBI) in Kolkata on January 11, 2017.

In India, to an extent, this gap is filled by formal and informal micro-finance facilities who are fundamentally different from banks in how they reach out to the poor even at their door-step to disburse and collect loans. The fact that the urban clientele of micro-finance institutes (MFIs) stands at 67 per cent shows how heavily urban regions are serviced by them, contrary to popular opinion.

In addition, there are other forms of finance too that are prevalent, popular and even more informal, like pawn brokers who generally operate privately but even set up shops where demand is high, like in city markets.

However the urban poor do not — or cannot — just depend on such instruments that enable access to money to confront weak financial infrastructure. They also adopt tactical choices to cut costs of doing business or to substitute their household expenses. For instance, they leverage space. For a vegetable seller, using pavements is a way to save on property cost for their business. They leverage mobility.

For a plastic commodity seller on a push cart, owning a mobile shop is a great way to reach a high number of customers, save on property cost, and disentangle themselves from the regulatory rules of running a formal business. They leverage pop-up markets. For small businessmen periodic Haat bazaars, festival congregations and public events serve as one-off opportunities to sell more than usual.

A snack vendor pushes a food cart on a street in Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh, India, on Saturday, Oct. 29, 2017.

They often wager their physical health. For porters, to employ hand-pulled trolleys instead of fuel-driven ones, or waste collectors handling hazardous material by bare hands is a bet they make to remain competitive in the cut-throat urban labour market. And as we see prominently these days, they leverage accessible technology. The recent spurt of cab services such as Ola and food delivery services such as Swiggy, are examples of how quickly job seekers, mostly from lower income groups adopted smart phones equipped with easy-to-use applications when they saw a big opportunity in app-based work.

The urban poor also leverage 'ecological infrastructure'. In her book 'Nature in the city: Bengaluru in the past, present, and future', ecologist Harini Nagendra mentions the importance of kitchen gardens and lakes in Bangalore for serving the household needs of many communities. However, we need more research to know the extent to which, and in what way, the poor use the ecological option in current circumstances of fundamentally changed urban ecology.

Lastly it is not always the poor themselves who find substitutes for formal financial services; the state does too in the form of instruments such as subsidies, credit guarantees and soft loans to compensate what the poor cannot avail through networked financial services.

These observations can extend to many other actors, institutions, equipment and technology, yet these examples are sufficient to say that finance has multiple and diverse channels when it comes to households or businesses run by the poor. While we are still strengthening our banking and credit facilities, and implementing programmes to formalise the economy it is critical to remember that these channels will remain the only buffer for millions of poor until then.

In fact, informal and substitute modes of finance are a critical component of a modernising economy which is still in a transitional phase. These modes may have a low share in tax and digital economy, yet their biggest utility is in acting as 'shock absorbers' for the poor from the disruptive effects of sudden changes in the way transactions happen. Therefore, dismantling this crucial component will rather make the transition in the economy more lopsided.

A better policy might have two parallel sets of goals. On the one hand, it would increase banking access, build the capacity of the poor to use banking and payments technology, and create schemes to hand-hold small businesses. On the other, it will open up spaces for street vendors, negotiate time-slots for haat bazaars in city markets, encourage non-polluting options of transport in inner areas and reclaim and reimagine land-use and lakes to support traditional livelihoods.