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Christian Priest Who Sang Carols In MP Village Arrested After Complaint From Bajrang Dal

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Members of Bajrang Dal doing drills during a self-defense training camp at Saraswati Shishu Mandir, an RSS-run school, on May 26, 2016 in Noida.

Police arrested a Christian priest and were questioning members of a seminary after a hardline Hindu group accused them of trying to convert villagers to Christianity by distributing Bibles and singing carols, police said on Saturday.

The priest was arrested on Friday after a member of the Bajrang Dal, a powerful Hindu group associated with Prime Minister Narendra Modi's ruling party, accused 50 members of a seminary of distributing the Bible, photos of Jesus Christ and singing carols in a village in Madhya Pradesh.

"Our members have registered a criminal case because we have proof to show how Christian priests were forcibly converting poor Hindus," said Abhay Kumar Dhar, a senior member of the Bajrang Dal in Bhopal, the capital of Madhya Pradesh.

The Bajrang Dal has direct links with the ruling Hindu-nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

Madhya Pradesh, governed by the BJP, has strict religious conversion laws. People must give formal notice to local administrators in order to change religion.

"We have arrested the priest but have not booked him under the anti-conversion law because the probe into the allegations is still on," said Rajesh Hingankar, the investigating official in Satna district, where the incident occurred.

The Catholic Bishops' Conference of India said they were "shocked, and pained at the unprovoked violence against Catholic priests and seminarians".

"We were only singing carols, but the hardline Hindus attacked us and said we were on a mission to make India a Christian nation ... that's not true," said Anish Emmanuel, a member of the St. Ephrem's Theological College in Satna.

Two senior police officials in Bhopal said they had detained six members of the Bajrang Dal who had allegedly torched a car owned by a Christian priest in Satna, 480 km northeast of Bhopal.

Religious conversion is a sensitive issue in India, with Hindu groups often accusing Christian missionaries of using cash, kind and marriage to lure poor villagers to convert to their faith.

Modi's government has been criticised for failing to do enough to stop attacks on minority Christians and Muslims by hardline Hindu groups.

The government rejects the allegation and denies any bias against Christians or Muslims.


Fox News Women Furious Over Rupert Murdoch Comments On Sexual Misconduct

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Current and former female Fox News employees say they are “stunned,” “disgusted” and “hungry for justice” after media mogul Rupert Murdoch on Thursday dismissed allegations of sexual misconduct at the network as “nonsense” outside of a few “isolated incidents” with former Fox News Chairman Roger Ailes.

In a televised interview, Sky News host Ian King focused on the Thursday announcement that the Disney Company is acquiring most of the assets belonging to 21st Century Fox, Fox News Channel’s parent, in a deal valued at $52 billion. Disney is not acquiring Fox News Channel or several other broadcast properties as part of the deal.

King asked Murdoch if sexual misconduct allegations had inflicted damage on Fox News Channel.

Rupert Murdoch said sexual misconduct allegations at Fox News amount to a few isolated incidents related to the company's former chairman, Roger Ailes.

Murdoch said, “All nonsense, there was a problem with our chief executive [Ailes], sort of, over the years, isolated incidents. As soon as we investigated it he was out of the place in hours, well, three or four days. And there’s been nothing else since then. That was largely political because we’re conservative. Now of course the liberals are going down the drain — NBC is in deep trouble. CBS, their stars. I mean there are really bad cases and people should be moved aside. There are other things which probably amount to a bit of flirting.”

“Rupert never characterized the sexual harassment matters at FOX News as ‘nonsense,’” a spokesman for 21st Century Fox told HuffPost in a statement Friday night, five hours after this story was initially published. “Rather, he responded negatively to the suggestion that sexual harassment issues were an obstacle to the Company’s bid for the rest of Sky.”

“Under Rupert’s leadership and with his total support, the Company exited Roger Ailes, compensated numerous women who were mistreated; trained virtually all of its employees; exited its biggest star; and hired a new head of HR. By his actions, Rupert has made it abundantly clear that he understands that there were real problems at FOX News,” the statement continued. “Rupert values all of the hard-working colleagues at FOX News, and will continue to address these matters to ensure FOX News maintains its commitment to having a work environment based on the values of trust and respect.”

For this story, HuffPost spoke with 10 current and former female Fox News staffers, all of whom are or were on-air talent and say they have faced harassment or assault by current and former Fox News executives and on-air talent. They said the comment by Murdoch, who controls the Fox News Channel along with his two sons Lachlan and James through 21st Century Fox, not only diminished the scandal that has plagued the network for over 17 months, it also virtually erased a flood of allegations, terminations, forced resignations and settlements.

There are other things which probably amount to a bit of flirting. Rupert Murdoch on allegations of sexual misconduct at Fox News

All the women communicated via text message and asked to remain anonymous, either because they still work at the network or are bound by non-disclosure agreements they signed when they left, or because their current employers don’t allow them to speak to the press without authorization.

“I have had to put up with a hostile work environment for years, and now I’m told that it doesn’t exist by a man who doesn’t have to walk these halls every day? I’m hungry for justice,” said one woman who is part of the network’s on-air talent.

“Hey Rupert - stop with the lies or we’ll go public with the truth. All of it. Including about the talent and executives you still employ who have harassed us and don’t give a damn about workplace respect - only money,” said a woman who was previously a member of Fox News’ on-air talent. “How much will it take before you actually start caring about your female employees? Is your 52 billion enough? Are we really going to clean house now?”

Murdoch’s comment directly contradicts the public relations strategy of Fox News and 21st Century Fox, which has been to diligently tell reporters the era of Ailes, who died this year, and host Bill O’Reilly is over. Instead, the press reps say, Fox News has ushered in a new era of corporate responsibility and a workplace free of hostility and retaliation.

The comment is also unusual because Fox News has been the subject of a federal investigation into Ailes’ settlements for over a year. The U.S. Attorney, the FBI and the United States Postal Inspection Service are all assisting with the probe, which is looking at whether Ailes’ payouts violated federal law because they were not disclosed to shareholders. The Postal Service is involved because the investigation includes potential mail and wire fraud violations

Bill O’Reilly has settled multiple sexual harassment lawsuits while at Fox News.

Fox News has been plagued by accusations of sexual misconduct, especially in the last year and a half. In July 2016, former Fox News host Gretchen Carlson stunned the media world when she filed a lawsuit saying Ailes had harassed and retaliated against her over a number of years. 21st Century Fox hired the white-shoe law firm Paul Weiss to conduct an investigation into the allegations, and current and former Fox News staffers and on-air talent told the firm Ailes had subjected them to harassment and retaliation. Ailes was forced to resign three weeks after Carlson filed her lawsuit, and left with a $40 million payout.

Since then, New York magazine, The New York Times and other publications have reported how Ailes used company funds to pay off women who alleged he had harassed and abused them. Laurie Luhn, a former Fox News booker, received a $3.15 million severance in 2011 that Ailes arranged. She told New York magazine Ailes subjected her to psychological torture and harassment for years.

The New York Times also reported in April that O’Reilly had settled multiple sexual harassment suits while at the network, with the company’s knowledge. After virtually all of his advertisers pulled out, O’Reilly was ousted with a reported $25 million payout.

In August, HuffPost reported that Fox News host Eric Bolling sent unsolicited lewd photos to colleagues. A month later, Fox News ousted him. And in October, the Times reported O’Reilly had settled a sexual harassment lawsuit brought by Fox News legal analyst Lis Wiehl for $32 million. 21st Century Fox had seen a draft of the lawsuit and knew O’Reilly had settled, but it still renewed the host’s contract in February 2017 for four more years, at $25 million a year.

As the scandals have unfolded, I’ve spoken to women at the network about their own experiences and responses to the allegations. I have never received more pointed feedback than I did after Murdoch’s comments.

In response to Murdoch's comments, Gretchen Carlson said he should

Lauren Sivan, a television reporter who worked at Fox News and now works at a Fox station in Los Angeles owned by 21st Century Fox, said Ailes used to have her sit on his lap so he could monitor her breathing and diaphragm. He did this, she said, under the false premise of helping her speak better on television. Several women at Fox News said Ailes required them to sit on his lap and engage in the same exercise.

“What kind of company pays close to 100 million dollars to keep ‘flirting’ quiet?” Sivan said in response to Murdoch’s quote.

“Did this man [Murdoch] just forget the 100 million dollars his company had to pay in settlements for terrible men behaving badly?” said a current Fox news host. “He now says it was a bit of ‘flirting’ and an issue related to the fact that Fox News has conservative hosts? Sexual harassment has nothing to do with politics. Many of us are conservative and want the truth to come out. Those of us who still work at Fox News have anxiety issues every time we see another woman coming forward with stories we have all lived through but have never shared.”

“The harassment was persistent and ongoing,” said a former Fox News reporter. “It was personally and professionally devastating for some of my colleagues and me. When the person who signs your paycheck and is responsible for promotions and demotions harasses women who rely on him, it’s more than ‘sort of’ a problem. Roger’s circle of advisors laughed off the problem and enabled his behavior to continue for years. Rupert’s dismissal is a crude insult to women. He should know better.”

The culture at Fox News won’t change until you publicly accept that it has been a breeding ground for sexual misconduct over the past two decades. Tamara Holder

Tamara Holder, a Fox News commentator who settled with the network earlier this year over a sexual assault claim, said, “You cannot rewrite history, Mr. Murdoch. The problem was not only with your chief executive. For example, one of your former executives trapped me in his office, pulled-out his penis and shoved my head on it. That’s not ‘nonsense.’ That’s criminal.”

“The culture at Fox News won’t change until you publicly accept that it has been a breeding ground for sexual misconduct over the past two decades,” Holder said.

Carlson also replied to the comments, saying, “Mr. Murdoch: sexual harassment isn’t ‘flirting,’ ‘nonsense,’ ‘largely political’ or simply ‘isolated incidents.’ I’m calling on you to release all women who complained about sexual harassment at Fox News from the secrecy agreements you forced them to sign and let the truth come out. Let the public decide if the behavior to which women were subjected was ‘flirting.’” She tweeted the same statement soon after.

Some Fox News women who have never come forward publicly with their complaints say they are considering sharing what they experienced, and were willing to walk out if necessary. Some say Ailes sexually harassed them, while others have complaints about on-air talent and executives at the network.

“I’m contacting a lawyer tomorrow,” said one Fox News host. “I’m sick of this shit.”

This story has been updated with comment from 21st Century Fox.

Follow Yashar — or send him a tip — on Twitter: @yashar

Ranking The Best New Shows You Can Stream Online Right Now

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You’ve got free time to kill, and you want to spend these rare moments with a TV show, but you’ve got a ton of options on a handful of streaming platforms. In an era when keeping up with contemporary TV is beginning to feel more and more like homework, it’s about time there was a cheat sheet.

HuffPost’s Streamline is a go-to source for what to watch online right now. It includes recommendations for scripted TV shows, both live-action and animated, chosen by writers who watch countless series and have an eye on what other critics are ecstatic about this minute. 

The weekly list values newness to promote shows that might not be on your radar yet. On the navigation bar above, you can choose specific recommendations for series streaming on NetflixHulu and Amazon. The main list below also includes shows that you can stream online with a cable package (such as programs on HBO, Showtime and FX Networks).

The idea: Come to Streamline before you accidentally waste your time with a bad show. Wait a minute to save a minute.  

For the weekend of Dec. 16, “The Marvelous Mrs. Maisel” tops the list from Amazon for the third week in a row.

As the year comes to an end, there aren’t as many new shows popping up to take the top spot from this Amy Sherman-Palladino project. That said, the show is truly great and a crowd-pleaser that all sorts of television fans could enjoy. Head to the Amazon Streamline for more about it.

Netflix’s “Wormwood,” which debuts Friday, joins the list for the first time. This Errol Morris project about a man’s lengthy search to uncover the mystery of his father’s death is mostly a documentary series, so its inclusion slightly breaks with our typical recommendations of scripted shows. As he has done in the past, “The Thin Blue Line” director Morris blends fiction and nonfiction, using actors to recreate various real-life events. Peter Sarsgaard is in the starring role. The Netflix Streamline gets more into our justification for its inclusion, but regardless, the show is well worth checking out.

The Netflix Streamline is where we get into the unfortunate decision by the FCC to repeal net neutrality protections. This news might mean streaming providers will have a harder time competing in the marketplace, and consumers might have to pay more to access these services.

Otherwise, streaming services had much to celebrate with this week’s announcement of the nominations for the 75th annual Golden Globe Awards. Netflix, Hulu and Amazon all earned nominations, with Netflix getting the most among the streaming giants with nine. These successes mean that streaming services actually received more nominations than traditional networks this year.

Also worth noting is that many of the network shows that received nominations are currently available on Hulu. More about which of these shows are available at the Hulu Streamline.

And as mentioned before, Streamline has been highlighting Netflix’s successful year of programming with roundups of the best and most underrated shows to debut in 2017.

You’ve certainly got a ton of shows to check out.

Good luck this week, and we hope this helps. 

A note on methodology:

Streamline recommendations do not include reality shows, game shows, awards shows, news shows and other shows that aren’t streaming online.

Along with HuffPost’s own “research” (watching countless hours of TV), Streamline opinions are informed by critical reviews from publications like The New York TimesVultureThe A.V. ClubThe Ringer and Collider, and aggregators like Rotten Tomatoes and Metacritic. Twitter is also providing HuffPost with data on the most tweeted-about streaming shows on its platform.

Shows can appear on the main list for two months after their most recent season’s final episode. Shows that debut all episodes at once will also be eligible for only two months.

If broadcast shows want a chance at showing up on the main list, they should make their episodes easily available to stream.

It's Hard To Know Exactly What's Happening To Myanmar's Rohingya. So They Found Me.

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Rohingya refugee children wait in front of a food distribution center in a refugee camp in Bangladesh. 

Rohan Royal first contacted me around dinnertime on Oct. 26. The profile picture that came with his Facebook message request showed two armed men holding guns. “Hello,” was all he wrote.

According to his profile, we had no mutual friends, didn’t attend the same schools or live in the same city, but I responded with a “hello” in turn and asked how he found me.

Writing in poor English, Royal said he was a Rohingya student living in Myanmar’s western Rakhine state. The Rohingya are a predominantly Muslim ethnic group whose members have lived in Rakhine state for centuries. Most of Myanmar’s Buddhist majority population considers the Rohingya to be immigrants, and in 1982, the government stripped them of citizenship ― effectively rendering them stateless and limiting their access to jobs, medical care and education.

The Rohingya have faced decades of persecution at the hands of Myanmar’s military and Buddhist hardliners. Tensions escalated dramatically in August after a small group of Rohingya extremists, known as the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, attacked police and army posts in the state. Buddhist militants retaliated by burning down villages, arresting and torturing men, raping women and killing children.

Since then, more than 624,000 of the 1.1 million Rohingya in Rakhine have fled to neighboring Bangladesh. It’s unclear how many Rohingya exactly remain in Rakhine, but the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre in Geneva estimates that more than 300,000 are in desperate need of aid.

Royal said he was one of the Rohingya who remained behind, and explained that he’d found me while searching Facebook for aid workers. “I resherch donation worker at them i got ur facebook,” he wrote.  

I’m a freelance journalist, which my Facebook page clearly states. But since I have been closely following recent news reports about worsening violence against the Rohingya, his messages piqued my interest.

I received another Facebook request a few hours later from a man named Kyawwinnaing. He, too, introduced himself as a Rohingya student living in Rakhine. “Our villagers [are] very very poor and I need your help,” he wrote.

The next morning, there was another one. Ro Kyaw Tun Naing said he was a schoolteacher in one of the remaining Rohingya villages, and had been one of Kyawwinnaing’s teachers. He also said he works for a local humanitarian agency. His English, albeit choppy, was sufficient to maintain a conversation. I asked what was happening in his village. “Facing .Arrsted.Raping .burning .on rohingya pepole in Rakhine state now.I am find .My family are safe,” he replied.

I wanted to know more ― whether these men were who they claimed to be, and if they were, why they were contacting a freelance journalist based in Seattle. Reporting from Rakhine is thin at best, since the military bars access to journalists and has only let a few relief agencies in.

These exchanges sent me on a reporting quest that has given me a digital window into life in Rakhine state, and it has become increasingly clear that the Rohingya are looking for social media users in other countries to share their stories with the rest of the world.

None of the men who contacted me are using their real names online, out of fear that public postings under their Rohingya names would make them government targets. Kyaw Tun Naing says he has already been arrested once for using Facebook to share news about the Rohingya, and he’s haunted by the idea that this could happen again. Other Rohingya activists have reported online harassment and have even received death threats over the phone. I now know their real identities, but am withholding that information to protect their safety.

Rohingya refugees wait to cross the border into Bangladesh on Nov. 12, 2017.

In our ongoing correspondence, the three men painted a grim picture of the situation in Rakhine. I’ve woken up to messages containing images and videos of Rohingya villages being torched at night by the military, operating under the cover of darkness. “Breaking news,” Royal would write, before sending over a media file and a description of an event.

They say Myanmar’s army has continued to raid Rohingya villages and set fire to abandoned homes, even after Bangladesh and Myanmar signed an agreement on Nov. 23 to allow hundreds of thousands of Rohingya refugees to return home.

They have sent images purporting to document crimes by Myanmar’s army since violence broke out at the end of August — photos of Rohingya men and women who had been beaten, shot or raped. The messages also suggest that Rohingya villages lack access to basic necessities like food and medicine.

Early on, Royal sent me photos that he said showed villagers selling their home goods to buy food and medicine in a nearby town. He claimed a video showed a Rohingya man with cancer who had sold all his possessions to pay for surgery, only to be dropped by the doctor when he could no longer pay.

These traumatic images are impossible to verify and extremely graphic, and are not included here for those reasons. But they have left me wondering whether the Rohingya who have fled will ever feel safe again in Rakhine. According to the men, Rohingya still abandon their villages out of fear each day. Kyaw Tun Naing told me that Rohingya are leaving his village on a daily basis, hoping to find food and jobs in Bangladesh.

Kyaw Tun Naing himself refuses to go. He fears living in Bangladesh as a refugee would be even more difficult than staying in Myanmar. Kyawwinnaing, too, doesn’t want to leave. “I am Rohingya. I am not Bengali,” he explained, adding that he hopes more relief agencies will eventually gain access to Rakhine.    

Myanmar's border police stand guard in Rakhine state.

Facebook has become a breeding ground for fake news in Myanmar ever since violence intensified over the summer. The social media platform is so prevalent in the country that some people believe it is the internet. Myanmar’s government and military deny the reports about atrocities in Rakhine ― even civilian leader and Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi has been on the defensive, dismissing them as “misinformation.”

Some government accounts have taken advantage of Facebook’s reach to push that line in a seemingly coordinated effort, claiming that the Rohingya are burning down their own villages or distributing photos of soldiers’ bodies that were actually taken during other conflicts.

Kyaw Tun Naing said those government reports prompted him to reach out after he joined Facebook in September. “Myanmar media [do not] write true news,” he told me. “Rohingya people don’t have journalist. And Rakhine state [has] no free media.”

While Royal, Kyawwinnaing and Kyaw Tun Naing say they can not move freely from village to village, $3 can buy them 2 gigabytes of data to use on their mobile phones to keep abreast of news and be in touch with other Rohingya living in Rakhine or outside of the country. They share photos, videos and news among themselves before they pass the message on.

Without eyes on the ground in Rakhine, I knew I wouldn’t be able to fully verify their accounts, but I did everything I could to confirm their identities.

One of my trusted Rohingya sources spoke with Royal and confirmed his identity. I tried verifying Kyaw Tun Naing’s involvement with the humanitarian agency, but my email to the group’s main branch in Yangon bounced back as undeliverable.

While I asked the men to send photos from their villages and their day-to-day lives, they often just sent me any photos they had. I ran each one through a reverse image search, and some appeared to be originals. For example, there were no perfect matches for a photo of a bullet wound on a man’s back, confirming that this image wasn’t already published elsewhere, and Google’s reverse image search’s best guess for the location of the image was “Rakhine state.”

In other instances, multiple people sent me the same photo, suggesting that those images are circulating among Rohingya activists connected on Facebook. Ro Kyaw Tun Naing sent me a handful of those, including photos that appeared to show the arrest of two men. I recognized the men’s faces from a Rohingya activist’s Twitter post; they were reportedly attacked by extremists in a village in northern Rakhine state.

Even though I’ve grown to believe and trust these men and their stories, I can’t be completely sure they are who they say they are. One thing is clear, however: No matter how many probing questions I’ve asked, the men have not grown tired of them.

Corresponding with these Rohingya men in the past few weeks has brought a different sense of routine to my life. I’ve grown used to the ping of my WhatsApp and the chirp of my Messenger notifications in the morning and late afternoons. I feel relieved when read receipts on my Messenger conversations or blue check marks on the WhatsApp chats appear, indicating that they are still safe, and alive.

It has also raised new questions for me about working on stories about conflict-ridden countries. As journalists, we are encouraged to be objective in our reporting, to not meddle in the lives of people that we cover. But seeing these photos and videos and forming relationships with these men elicits in me the very human response of wanting to help.

To me, the greatest paradox of the use of social media in the Rohingya crisis is that complete strangers can tell me about their plight, but there’s no way for me to help directly. Yet, in a different context, anyone can start a crowdfunding campaign to help defray medical costs, and a stranger sympathetic to their situation could donate money directly toward that.

In the last few weeks, I’ve marveled at how democratizing the internet can be. For the Rohingya, it offers freedom from reality. They can read about the international community’s response to the crisis and can connect with family and friends displaced by violence. An Facebook friend request, if accepted, gives them the ability to live vicariously through a stranger — a stranger who coincidentally has the privilege to help shed light on their stories.

Jignesh Mevani Interview: 'Fascism Is Fascism. It Will Ruin Our Country If We Stay Silent Any Longer'

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An independent candidate Jignesh Mevani greets people during election campaign on December 10, 2017 in Vadgam, India.

VADGAM, Gujarat -- As far as "youthquakes" go, it is no exaggeration to say that Gujarat has witnessed one in the form of Jignesh Mevani, Hardik Patel and Alpesh Thakor -- three young leaders who have given the Bharatiya Janata Party its toughest electoral fight since the Hindu nationalist party came to power in the state in 1995.

Over the past few months, Mevani, a rising Dalit leader, Patel and Thakor, faces of the Patidar community and Other Backward Classes (OBC) respectively, have set aside their ideological differences and come together for the sole purpose of defeating the BJP in the 2017 Gujarat Assembly election.

Earlier this week, Mevani, who is fighting his first election as an independent candidate, told me, "Fascism is fascism. It will ruin our country if we stay silent any longer."

Whether Mevani wins or loses on Monday, the 37-year-old Dalit leader's fiery and irreverent rhetoric targeting Prime Minister Narendra Modi has irked the BJP. Last week, party president Amit Shah accused him of taking funds from an "anti-national" group. In one of the many communal remarks made during the course of the campaign, Hindu nationalists used the term 'HAJ' to describe the trio of Hardik, Alpesh and Jignesh and 'RAM' to describe Gujarat Chief Minister Vijay Rupani, Shah and Modi.

When I first spoke with Mevani in August, 2016, the big question was whether he would be a flash in the pan or succeed in fanning the Dalit agitation that had erupted in Gujarat after a chilling episode of caste violence.

On July 11, 2016, four Dalit men were tied to a car and thrashed by cow vigilantes in the town of Una for skinning a dead cow. A viral video of the public flogging triggered widespread protests, with Mevani emerging as the face of the Dalit movement in the state. At the time, Mevani, a law graduate who had worked for some years as a journalist, told me that he would not let the fledgling movement die. "Dalits need to realise that they can be what anyone else can be," he had said.

When I saw him in his constituency of Vadgam, just over one year later, Mevani was holding a rally with Congress Party (now) president Rahul Gandhi. When I met him, a few days later, he was gathering people who would stay vigilant when votes are counted on December 18. Dressed in a green khadi shirt, black trousers and sports shoes, the Dalit leader stood out among the throng of politicians dressed in white kurtas and sandals. He laughed and said, "Well, I guess I have kept my promise to HuffPost. I think it is evident that I'm here and here to stay."

Mevani, however, is walking a tightrope. On the one hand, the Dalit leader is working with the Congress to defeat the BJP. In fact, the Congress has not fielded a candidate in Vadgam, a seat which it has won thrice since 1998, to give Mevani his best shot at winning. On the other hand, Mevani refuses to be co-opted by the Grand Old Party, which he believes would be contrary to the ideological underpinnings of the Dalit movement.

For over an hour, Mevani spoke about walking the tightrope, his dream of taking down the BJP, life lessons, and dressing like a politician.

Fascism is fascism. It will ruin our country if we stay silent any longer.

Edited excerpts:

Are you nervous about the election result?

No, I feel like I've already won. I was under the impression that contesting electoral politics is something that doesn't go with me. But the kind of love and affection that I've got from people in my constituency is stunning, sublime and supreme. It is devastatingly great. The figure that will come out on the 18th can go in my favor or against me, but I've won a lot of hearts. The amount of youth that I could engage with is an investment for the future. It will be a major breakthrough if I win.

If you don't win?

I will continue with the struggle. Our movement is political. Politics is not just about electoral politics. I'm not shying away from that ever.

Why have you made beating the BJP your life's mission?

The BJP originates from the RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh) which is a fascist force rooted in an ideology that can be traced back to Hitler and Mussolini. They can go to any extent. They can destroy whatever little democracy that we are left with. They can destroy our goal of creating a secular and socialist democracy. If the BJP comes to power in 2019 then this country will be a banana republic. Then, I should not be surprised that you get killed for doing a story and you should not be surprised if I get killed for organizing a rally. That is what fascism is. I want Dalits, who are 18% of the population in India, to mercilessly vote against the BJP in 2019.

I want Dalits, who are 18% of the population in India, to mercilessly vote against the BJP in 2019.

You are working with parties and people from all kinds of political backgrounds, convictions and agendas. How do you reconcile your differences?

When you are fighting against fascism, against the BJP, each pro-poor face has to come together and keep aside their ideological disputes and problems. Fascism is fascism. It will ruin our country if we stay silent any longer. There are contradictions between the Patels and Dalits, Dalits and OBCs, OBCs and Patels. But still Alpesh, Hardik and I are together because our principal contradiction is against the BJP. We all feel that we are the victims of the "Gujarat model." But that does not mean that the contradiction that lies beneath will not surface. It will and we will resolve it.

Has the past year changed you?

It has made me more pragmatic and wise. I've learned to navigate the politics. Gujarat produces great social activists but they remain stuck. They are not able to do anything electorally and there is not much expansion on the ground. In politics, you learn to carve your way out.

Gujarat produces great social activists but they remain stuck. In politics, you learn to carve your way out.

How do you mean?

So, had I not been wise and pragmatic I would not have decided to contest from this seat. I'm contesting from this seat because I want to win and don't want to remain stuck.

Jignesh Mevani greets people during his election campaign on December 10, 2017 in Vadgam.

You mean your standing from a seat that Congress already had a good chance of winning?

Yes. I would never allow my values to get distorted but I have learnt you have to make compromises to further the agenda, not for personal gain but the agenda of the public. Ideology is not an end in itself.

What's the end?

The end should be concrete changes in the lives of people. Ultimately, in the final analysis, we have to construct a classless society. The idea of creating a classless society keeps putting enormous pressure on me every single day.

Ideology is not an end in itself.

What is your plan after the election is over?

I want to immediately give a call for 160 Dalit youths to commit 15 days of their life to me. I will ask them to go to 160 nagar palikas where sanitation workers are denied even minimum wages. I want the sanitation workers to go for a massive strike. Even if there is one-fourth success, it will ensure minimum wage to at least 15,000 people. I will launch a program for the Valmikis who are the Dalit among Dalits and I want to launch platform for Dalit-Muslim unity. I will be plunging into movements. I'm 90% an agitator.

You sound like Arvind Kejriwal.

No. Arvind is Arvind. I'm, well, me.

Do you think being a politician could derail you from your goal?

Not at all. When you become an MLA, there is an aura that he is an MLA. He is a neta. There is more chance of people joining us. I want to use the bourgeois glamour for the cause of the poor people.

I want to use the bourgeois glamour for the cause of the poor people.

You recently had a rally with Rahul Gandhi. What did you think of him?

We didn't talk much on the day of the rally. I've met him twice and he seems to be a reasonable guy. He wants to engage a lot of youth in his party and he is open for dialogue. That is my primary impression.

Why did you not want to join Congress?

I want my identity to remain intact. It was fabulous for me that a cadre of the Congress was working for me, a cadre from a Dalit party was working for me, a cadre from the Aam Aadmi Party was here, an MLA from the CPI (ML) stayed for days and campaigned for me, Swaraj India's Yogendra Yadav campaigned for me, and CPI's Milind Ranade from Maharashtra was here. Many of these political parties would not have shared a stage if I had not been there.

People believe that you will eventually join Congress.

No, I'm not joining. It's an understanding. It's not even an alliance. It is a win-win situation. If it had not been a win-win situation, Rahul Gandhi being potentially prime minister material, would not get himself clicked with me.

Would you like to be prime minister?

Very much.

What did you make of the BJP campaign?

It was communal, it was nonsensical, it was irrelevant. Modi did not create the vibes that he was able to create earlier. He has not been able to catch people's imagination. He sounded very boring, continuously repeating himself, with no data to place before the people. He sounded like someone whose time has gone. The struggle is in 2019. It will be a mentally aging Modi against the 50-crore youth of this country, many of them unemployed and desperate for change.

It will be a mentally aging Modi against the 50-crore youth of this country, many of them unemployed and desperate for change.

You can't deny how popular Modi is even among the youth.

He isn't anymore.

He won Uttar Pradesh for the BJP – again – even after demonetization.

Modi is a media creation. There are agencies in the world that can manufacture consent for you. They can project you in a certain manner by pumping in enormous money. And there is no denying the communal bias among the people of this country. The section of youth who are under the clutch of Hindutva like him. His Goebbelsian rhetoric of development suited the neoliberal climate and the aspirations of the urban middle class youth.

How will you counter Amit Shah and Narendra Modi's strategy of eroding caste-based voting and uniting the electorate under the Hindu banner? (BJP won 69 out of 85 reserved seats in the UP-Assembly election).

Babasaheb Ambedkar said that most Hindus are not Hindus - they belong to a caste – but they become Hindus when it comes to killing Muslims. Otherwise we think, interpret and analyze in terms of caste. People even marry in terms of caste. They stay together on the basis of their caste identity. We are a caste-ridden society. But the BJP, many times, has managed to take people out of their caste identity and make them think as a monolithic entity. In the case of UP, in my understanding, Dalits did not become Hindu but somehow, they found the BSP (Bahujan Samaj Party led by Mayawati) becoming irrelevant. In Gujarat, however, Dalits are not with the BJP.

Since Dalits, more or less, have supported the Congress in Gujarat then what is your role in the state's electoral politics?

Making the anti-BJP Dalit front even stronger through my struggles on the ground and raising the material issues which unfortunately has not been the agenda of the movement of late. Everything I've done in the past two years has got stunning media coverage because I can articulate. I've got a lot of space on television channels where I bash Modi every day, very often below the belt. I'm a rogue on television debates. The Dalit population of the country is seeing one of its youth leaders giving gaali to the BJP all the time. This will help in 2019. The national election is my concern even more than the Gujarat election. Alpesh and Hardik may not be able to do much outside led Gujarat but I can.

The national election is my concern even more than the Gujarat election. Alpesh and Hardik may not be able to do much outside led Gujarat but I can.

Do you think speaking in English is important in politics? Modi has relied on Gujarati and Hindi.

I don't think in English. If I go on an English news channel, I will tell them that I will speak in Hindi. I think mostly in Gujarati. I'm fine with English, but not fluent. But I do think that English is important. Politics is also about perception. You have to send the message across that you are smart. English appeals more to the urban elite middle class.

Jignesh Mevani delivers a speech at a Dalit rally in Ahmedabad on September 10, 2016.

What is the question from the media that annoys you the most?

Congress ka agent hai. They try to diminish the ideology I stand for by linking me to the Congress.

Will it be tough to bounce back if the BJP wins Gujarat again?

If the BJP wins again - after the Dalit movement, the Patidar movement, the ASHA workers, the anganwaadi ki behne, the farmers' movement, Alpesh - it will be a setback to the poor people of this country. I will be sad. I will be sad because I can visualize what I could have done. I would love to be in the position to give an incredible boost to the Dalit movement.

Do you find yourself projecting yourself differently now that you could be a neta, how you speak and the way you dress?

I'm trying to be nicer when I talk. I'm not always successful. I get about 250 to 300 calls on my mobile, every day. I changed my number and gave my old phone to someone on my team. He has gone mad. There are some really crazy calls. People will call after midnight and simply say, "We are sitting in a chaupal with our friends - Jay Bhim." Imagine.

I haven't changed the way I dress. I still wear rotten clothes. I bought eight to ten kurtas of different colors for the election. I'm really enjoying wearing kurtas.

What is the life lesson that you have learnt in the past year?

This is an endless struggle. You need to be creative and innovative at every step. This country has produced great Marx scholars but people found them to be dull. It is very important to catch the imagination of the people. But there can be no compromise on the actual struggle at the grassroots. You can be nothing if you don't actually work for the people.

You can be nothing if you don't actually work for the people.

Also read: Win, Lose Or Draw, Rahul Gandhi Has Emerged Stronger From Gujarat

'Muslim Vote? Does Muslim Life Even Matter In India,' Asks A Gujarati Doctor On Election Day

In The Age Of Competitive Hindutva Politics, Young Muslims Want A Hardik Patel Of Their Own

Also on HuffPost India:

Gujarat Assembly Elections 2017 Results: BJP Wins Majority, Congress Makes Big Gains

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India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi gestures as he addresses his supporters during an election campaign meeting ahead of the second phase of Gujarat state assembly elections, in Nadiad, India December 11, 2017. REUTERS/Amit Dave

8:57 pm: Final tally has BJP winning a majority with 99 seats, which is 17 fewer than the 2012 assembly election in the state. Their total vote share in this election is 49.1%, which is an improvement from the last election (47.85%).

Congress won 77 seats, with a 41.4% of the vote share. This is a remarkable improvement from 2012, when it won 60 seats and got 38.93% of the vote share.

8:50 pm: BJP has won 98 seats, while Congress' tally is at 76. Both parties are leading in one constituency each. The Nationalist Congress Party has won one seat, the Bharatiya Tribal Party has won two seats, and independent candidates have won three others.

8:31 pm: Congress has won 76 seats, and is leading in one constituency.

7:56 pm: BJP has won 97 seats, and is leading in two constituencies. Counting is still underway in three seats.

7:44 pm: Congress has won 75 seats, and is leading in two constituencies. This is a marked improvement over its tally in 2012, when it won 60 seats. The party's vote share is 41.4%.

6:50 pm: PM Modi takes a dig at Congress, refers to caste politics as "poison".

6:45 pm: "The Gujarat polls are a source of double happiness for me," Modi tells audience. "I am so happy that after I left the state, my colleagues there continued the good work."

"After 2014, there is hunger for development. Even if you do not like BJP, do not try to derail the progress being made towards development."

6:36 pm: Prime Minister Narendra Modi addresses press conference in BJP headquarters in New Delhi. "The Gujarat elections are historic," he says. "Any victory to an incumbent government is a big victory."

6:29 pm: BJP wins 93 seats to get a majority in Gujarat. It will form government in the state for the sixth consecutive time.

6:16 pm: BJP is at the halfway mark, with 91 seats. It needs one more win to officially win the assembly election. It is leading in eight constituencies.

5:52 pm: BJP has won 85 seats, is projected to win in 14 others. It needs seven more seats to form government in Gujarat. Congress has won 71 seats, and is leading in six other constituencies.

5:17 pm: BJP wins 84 seats, leads in 15 constituencies. Congress wins in 70 seats, leads in seven others.

5:03 pm:

4:30 pm: Congress party president Rahul Gandhi concedes defeat, thanks voters.

4:25 pm: "We won comfortably increased our vote share," says Amit Shah of the Gujarat elections in a press conference. "It was not a close contest at all."

BJP's vote share so far, according to Election Commission data, is 49.1% in Gujarat. Congress' share is 41.4%.

4:18 pm: BJP has won in 68 seats, while Congress has won 59 seats.

4:08 pm: "We are now entering an era of politics of performance. In this new age, the party that does the most will get victory," Amit Shah says in press conference. "This is the sixth time we are going to form government in Gujarat."

3:50 pm:

3:45 pm: BJP wins 53 seats, Congress wins 47. BJP is leading in 46 constituencies while Congress is up in 30 others.

3:31 pm: Prime Minister Narendra Modi declares victory in Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh, thanks voters.

"Election results in Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh indicate a strong support for politics of good governance and development," he tweeted. "I salute the hardworking BJP Karyakartas in these states for their hardwork which has led to these impressive victories."

3:20 pm: Hardik Patel alleges that EVM machines are tampered in Surat.

3:07 pm:

2:57 pm:

2:19 pm: BJP has won 18 seats, and is leading in 82 constituencies. Congress has won 15 seats and is leading in 62 constituencies.

1:55 pm: Dalit leader Jignesh Mevani flashes victory sign. The 37-year-old is all set to win his maiden election from Vadgam.

1:50 pm:

1:34 pm: BJP has won 10 seats, while Congress has won 8.

1:15 pm: BJP workers in various parts of the country start celebrating.

12:48 pm: BJP has won in four constituencies, and is leading in 98 others. Congress has won one seat and is leading in 73 constituencies.

12:37 pm:

12:28 pm: Gujarat deputy CM Nitinbhai Patel has taken a clear lead in Mahesana over Congress' Jivabhai Patel. BJP is leading by about 7,000 votes in the constituency.

12:25 pm:

12:22 pm: BJP has won two seats and is leading in 102 constituencies. Congress has won in one seat and is leading in 71 constituencies.

12:00 pm: Gujarat CM Vijat Rupani will retain his Rajkot West seat.

11:43 am: BJP is leading in 103 constituencies, and has won in Porbandar. Congress is leading in 72 constituencies.

11:37 am: Election Commission declares BJP victory in Porbandar constituency. The BJP candidate won over their Congress rival by about 2,000 votes.

11:30 am: It's a neck and neck contest between Gujarat deputy CM Nitinbhai Patel and Congress' Jivabhai Patel in Mahesana with barely a difference of 500 votes between them. BJP is leading in the constituency, but by a whisker.

11:12 am: Dalit leader and independent candidate Jignesh Mevani has a clear lead in Vadgam, while OBC leader Alpesh Thakor who is contesting as a Congress candidate from Radhanpur is also leading with 9,000 more votes than the trailing BJP candidate.

Independent candidate Jignesh Mevani greets people during election Campaign on December 10, 2017 in Vadgam, India.

11:00 am:

10:57 am: Gujarat chief minister Vijay Rupani has a clear lead at Rajkot West with close to 33,000 votes. Congress' Indranil Rajguru is far behind at 17,551 votes.

ALSO READ: Congress Can Never Hijack Hindutva From The BJP, Says Gujarat's Deputy CM

10:55 am: BJP leading in 99 constituencies, while Congress is up in 71. BJP's vote share is 49.1% as compared to Congress' 41.5%.

10:42 am:

10:38 am:

10:27 am: BJP leads in 95 out of 182 constituencies, Congress leads in 68. The BJP vote share is currently at 48.7%.

10:12 am: Gujarat chief minister Vijay Rupani swings back up with a clear lead in Rajkot West constituency. He is about 4,000 votes ahead of Congress' Indranil Rajguru. Counting is still in progress.

10:02 am: BJP leading in 86 constituencies, while Congress is leading in 66. Vote share between the two parties is divided almost evenly.

9:55 am: Independent candidate Jignesh Mevani, a Dalit leader fighting his first election, is leading in Vadgam constituency, with the BJP candidate trailing. Read his interview with HuffPost Indiahere.

9:47 am: Gujarat chief minister Vijay Rupani is trailing in Rajkot West, with Congress' Indranil Guru leading with about 400 more votes than Rupani. It's a neck and neck contest.

9:44 am: Gujarat deputy CM Nitinbhai Patel leading in Mahesana constituency with 4,297 votes. Congress' Jivabhai Ambalal Patel is close behind with 3,703 votes. Counting is still in progress.

9:33 am: BJP leads in 56 constituencies, with Congress close behind with leads in 50 constituencies. The Nationalist Congress Party, Bharatiya Tribal Party, and an independent candidate are leading in one constituency each.

9:22 am: BJP leading in 48 constituencies, Congress in 40. The Nationalist Congress Party is leading in one constituency.

9:18 am: Early trends show BJP leading in 24 constituencies, while Congress leads in 21 constituencies.

9:03 am: Congress leading in13 constituencies, while BJP is up in 10 constituencies.

8:59 am: BJP leads in seven constituencies: Bhavnagar East, Bhavnagar Rural, Ghatlodia, Nadiad, Porbandar, Umbergaon, Valsad. Congress is leading in six: Bhavnagar West, Dahod, Gariadhar, Mahudha, Mandvi, Talaja.

8:52 am: BJP leading in six constituencies, Congress in three. 51% of vote share to BJP at the moment, while 42.5% to Congress.

8:47 am: BJP and Congress both leading in two constituencies each.

8:00 am: Counting of votes has begun in Gujarat, where exit polls suggest a win for the Bharatiya Janata Party, which has not lost in the state assembly elections since 1995.

ALSO READ:

Jignesh Mevani: 'Fascism Is Fascism. It'll Ruin Our Country'

'Does Muslim Life Even Matter In India,' Asks A Doctor In Gujarat

Young Muslims Want A Hardik Patel Of Their Own

Win, Lose Or Draw, Rahul Gandhi Has Emerged Stronger From Gujarat

Congress Can Never Hijack Hindutva From The BJP, Says Gujarat's Deputy CM

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GANDHINAGAR, Gujarat — If the exit polls are to be believed, the Bharatiya Janata Party has prevailed over its rivals, old and new, and will emerge victorious in the 2017 Assembly election today.

But no matter who wins or loses today, both the national parties are guilty of indulging in competitive Hindutva politics to win the state polls. Neither the ruling party nor the Congress have addressed Muslims, almost 10 percent of Gujarat'S population, in the course of their respective campaigns.

While the BJP's silent treatment came as no surprise, the Congress too was careful not say or do anything that would appear as minority appeasement.

With Rahul Gandhi's temple visiting spree gaining traction and media attention, the BJP was somewhat rattled by the Congress' transparent play for Hindu votes. Hindu nationalists hit back with a slew of communal remarks, proving that no one can do Hindutva quite like the saffron party.

On the eve of counting day, HuffPost India caught up with Gujarat's Deputy Chief Minister Nitinbhai Ratilal Patel to ask why the BJP continues falling back on religious polarization to win elections. The 61-year-old leader told us that he is not worried about the Congress hijacking Hindutva from the BJP. "The Congress won't do it because they have told the Muslims that they are not communal and they are not pro-Hindu," he said.

There has been some speculation that if the BJP wins the election, Patel, the lawmaker from Mahesana, who belongs to the powerful Patidar community, could be the next chief minister of Gujarat. But for that to happen, Patel will have to win Mahesana, which was starting point of of the Hardik Patel-led Patidar agitation against the BJP.

Edited excerpts:

Why did BJP leaders again fall back on communal remarks during the campaign? For instance, Prime Minister Narendra Modi compared Rahul Gandhi's elevation to "Aurangzeb Raj."

We did not take up communal issues. It is the Congress leaders who gave us these issues. When Rahul Gandhi was filling the form to be the Congress president, it was their netas who brought up dynasty and Aurangzeb. They made the connection. Then our people made the issue. If they would not have said it then we would not have said it.

(Former Congress lawmaker Mani Shankar Aiyar has accused Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the BJP of distorting his remarks).

What about the PM claiming interference by Pakistan in the election, what about Yogi Adityanath saying that Rahul Gandhi was sitting in the namaz position in a temple?

It was important to raise these issues because they started it. If Rahul Gandhi had regularly visited temples then none of these issues would have come up. When I go to the temple, there are no questions. When Narendra Modi goes to temples, whether it is in India, Nepal or abroad, there are no questions. There are no questions because he is a Hindu and goes naturally to temples for darshan. Rahul Gandhi did not visit temples earlier, but he suddenly started. In Gujarat, he went to 22 temples. (Gandhi visited 25 temples). People thought it was election drama. This drama became widely talked about.

But how does it warrant Yogi Adityanath's remark?

It was said because perhaps Rahul Gandhi does not know how to sit in a temple and that is why we made it a issue. There is a way of sitting in a temple, a mosque and in the church. If you don't know how then of course that will become a topic of discussion.

Is the BJP afraid of Congress hijacking Hindutva?

The Congress won't do it because they have told the Muslims that they are not communal and they are not pro-Hindu. If they are pro-Hindu, then going to temples is just a start. Rahul Gandhi will have to give a statement saying that Ram Temple should be built in Ayodhya. The Congress will have to campaign for it. If you recall, the Congress submitted an affidavit to the Supreme Court, saying that there was nothing like the Ram Setu bridge between India and Sri Lanka.

Now, they are saying that Rahul is "janeu dhaari". We think it is a good thing and we welcome his going to temples but people will see through it.

Both parties have ignored Muslims in this Assembly election. Why has the BJP not fielded a single Muslim representative since 1995?

We fight elections to win. The strategy is that every candidate from each seat should win. Our government has done a lot of things. We chose Dr. Abdul Kalam to be president. BJP did it. NDA did it.

Let's talk about Jignesh Mevani, Hardik Patel and Alpesh Thakor. Have they given the BJP its toughest electoral fight since 1995?

It has not happened because of them, it happened because of the public. The Patidar movement is because of the public. The other two are with the Congress, one directly and the other indirectly. The state of the Congress is worthy of pity because they don't have 182 candidates of their own to field. They have to support other people. Let's see what happens to the two people who are standing in the election.

The exit polls suggest that you are going to win. But do you acknowledge that Congress has made things hard for the BJP, this year?

Every party works to win every election. This year, Rahul Gandhi came. In the previous elections, Sonia Gandhi used to come. Each political party has to campaign among the people and ask them for votes. I don't understand why everyone is making such a big deal about it. Congress has done its work and we have done ours.

The BJP did appear rattled.

No. We are experienced. The BJP workers know how to fight elections. There were other issues during the 2007 and the 2012 elections. This time around, the issues are different. We had our strategies and we kept going. That's all.

Also on HuffPost India:

Gujarat Elections 2017: CM Vijay Rupani To Retain His Rajkot (West) Seat

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Gujarat state Chief Minister Vijay Rupani shows his inked finger after casting his ballot during the first phase of Vidhan Sabha elections of Gujarat state at Rajkot, some 220 kms from Ahmedabad on December 9, 2017.

Gujarat Chief Minister and senior Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader Vijay Rupani is leading his Congress rival Indranil Rajguru from Rajkot (West) by over 20,000 votes, three hours after counting began in Gujarat Assembly elections 2017.

Rupani polled 46159 votes while Rajguru secured 25359 votes, as per Election Commission data.

Rupani, for whom the Rajkot (West) is a prestige seat, was trailing to Rajguru after the first hour of counting of votes. It's a seat special for the BJP for many reasons, the main being that Prime Minister Narendra Modi won his first election in February 2002 from the constituency that was earlier known as Rajkot–II.

Considered a "safe seat" for the saffron party, Modi had personally campaigned from Rajkot (West) in the run up to the elections in Gujarat. In an emotional speech, he had said it is because of the people of Rajkot he made his way to New Delhi.

After being sworn in as the Chief Minister of Gujarat in October 2001, Modi won a by-election from Rajkot-II and went on to become a legislator in the state assembly.

In Mehsana, the seat of the Patidar agitation led by Hardik Patel, Deputy CM Nitin Patel is also leading the elections against the Congress's Jivabhai Patel by over 12000 votes.

The BJP is set to retain power in Gujarat.


Himachal Pradesh Election Results 2017: BJP Set To Form Government In Another Congress-Ruled State

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Even as the BJP is in a neck and neck battle with the Congress in Gujarat, things look much smoother for them in the Himachal Pradesh Assembly polls, where trends show that the party is sent to win.

Party workers in the state are already in the celebratory mood as Election Commission results show that the BJP has won in 1 seat while leading in 105 seats, the Congress is trailing far behind leading in only 70 seats at the moment.

However, BJP chief ministerial candidate Prem Kumar Dhumal is trailing in Sujanpur. Incumbent Chief Minister Virbhadra Singh and his son Vikramaditya are leading in their seats in Arki and Shimla Rural.

Vikramaditya Singh had earlier in the day said Congress will win, but it looks highly unlikely.

According to EC data, the incumbent CM is leading by over 4000 votes against BJP's Rattan Singh Pal. In Shimla Rural, his son is leading is also leading with over 4000 votes against BJP candidate Dr Pramod Sharma.

It's a close fight between Dhumal, who at the moment has a little over 10,000 votes, and Congress candidate Rajinder Rana who has over 12,000 votes.

The Indian Express had reported during the run up to the polls in the state that the Parivartan campaign started by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and BJP chief Amit Shah had seen success, indicating winds of change in the state.

During the last elections in 2012, Dhumal had lost against Singh with the BJP winning only 26 seats against 36 seats won by the Congress.

But feverish campaigning by the Modi-Shah duo seems to have done the magic that it did in Uttarkhand and in Uttar Pradesh.

Dalit Leader Jignesh Mevani Wins By A Landslide In Gujarat's Vadgam

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VADGAM, INDIA - DECEMBER 11: An independent candidate Jignesh Mevani greets people during election Campaign on December 10, 2017 in Vadgam, India. (Photo by Kunal Patil/Hindustan Times via Getty Images)

Dalit leader Jignesh Mevani has arrived with a bang. The independent candidate is swept the elections in Vadgam constituency with a huge victory over Bharatiya Janata Party rival Vijaykumar Harkhabhai. At over 95,000 votes, the 37-year-old won his first election by a huge margin of 20,000 votes.

"Fascism is fascism. It will ruin our country if we stay silent any longer," Mevani told HuffPost India's Betwa Sharma last week.

Vadgam is one of the dozen constituencies reserved for members of the scheduled caste community in Gujarat.

Congress had withdrawn its candidate from Vadgam to help Mevani in the contest. Congress had won the seat in the last three elections. Aam Aadmi Party too announced in a statement that it would not field a candidate from Vadgam.

Mevani, a law graduate and former journalist, had emerged as a leader of a Dalit agitation in Gujarat after four Dalit men were tied to a car and beaten up in Una for skinning a dead cow.

"Shock therapy needs to be given to some individuals from upper castes," he had said at the time.

A year later, Mevani appears to have kept his promise.

ALSO READ: The Leader Of The Fledgling Dalit Uprising In Gujarat Is Determined To Not Let It Die

Amit Shah Says It's Victory Against Caste Politics, Rahul Gandhi Concedes Defeat: Reactions To BJP's Win In Gujarat And Himachal

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After a neck and neck battle with the Congress in Gujarat, the BJP seems to be coming to power in both Himachal Pradesh and Prime Minister Narendra Modi's home state. After the initial struggle that had party workers worried, celebrations have begun in BJP offices across the country.

Leaders of the party including Rajnath Singh, Smriti Irani and others have hailed it as the good work of party workers. Meanwhile, the Congress have been largely silent has they have lost state after state to the BJP since it came to power at the Centre in 2014.

Here are some reactions to BJP's big in in Himachal Pradesh and Gujarat:

BJP chief Amit Shah called it a win against communalism, dynastic politics and politics of appeasement:

Prime Minister Narendra Modi called it a victory for Gujarat and development:

Congress President Rahul Gandhi conceded defeat saying:

Union minister Rajnath Singh refused to make a comment, but did flash the victory sign.

West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee congratulated voters of Gujarat for a 'balanced verdict':

First time candidate Jigensh Mevani said:

Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath praised the BJP leadership and took a dig at the Congress

Union Minister Nirmala Sitharam said people have recognised BJP's good work in the name of development:

Smriti Irani too called it a victory for development:

BJP leader Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi congratulated Narendra Modi and Amit Shah:

Meanwhile, PTI quoted him as saying, "Jo jeeta wohi Sikandar. This is the message to those who joked about vikas."

While the BJP was in a celebratory mood, Patidar leader Hardik Patel claimed EVMs were rigged.

OBC Leader Alpesh Thakor Sweeps BJP Bastion Radhanpur In Gujarat

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PATAN, INDIA - DECEMBER 11: Congress candidate from Radhanpur constituency Alpesh Thakor greets people during election campaign at Radhanpur , on December 11, 2017 in Patan, India. (Photo by Kunal Patil/Hindustan Times via Getty Images)

A 40-year-old leader from the OBC (Other Backward Classes) community, Alpesh Thakor, won in Radhanpur constituency in Gujarat, beating his Bharatiya Janata Party rival by around 15,000 votes. Thakor joined the Congress just ahead of the election.

Thakor is the convenor of the OBC, ST and ST Ekta Manch, which he started last year. Radhanpur has been a BJP bastion since 1998, but on Monday, the OBC leader from Congress surged ahead with over 85,000 votes. His BJP rival, Lavingji Thakor, had joined BJP ahead of the election after being denied a Congress ticket.

The highest number of voters in the constituency belong to the Thakor community, closely followed by the Chaudhary group. Alpesh Thakor is the son of Congress leader Khodaji Thakore, who reportedly switched from BJP to Congress in the mid 1990s.

Alpesh Thakor has passionately campaigned against liquor addiction in Gujarat earlier, but turned to politics to help the farmer community.

Also On HuffPost:

BJP Set For Twin Win In Gujarat And Himachal Pradesh Despite Close Congress Fight

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Indian Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) President Amit Shah (C) shows the victory sign to supporters as he arrives to address a press conference at the party headquarters in New Delhi on December 18, 2017.

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is set to form governments in both Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh, leading to further consolidation of the saffron party's fortunes in northern parts of the country, even as a resurgent Congress under the new leadership of President Rahul Gandhi put up a close fight but fell short.

At 5 PM, Election Commission data showed that the BJP comfortably edged past the halfway mark of 92 in the 182-seat state assembly and was projected to win 100 seats. It had won in 80 and was leading in 20 of the 154 seats for which results were known. The Congress, whose tally slipped in the course of the day, won 70 and was leading in 6 of the 77 seats it was projected to win.

This will be a record six-time win for BJP in Gujarat, a state it has ruled for two decades. Chief Minister and senior BJP leader Vijay Rupani was also set to win from Rajkot (West), a prestige seat special to the BJP for many reasons, the main being that Prime Minister Narendra Modi won his first election in February 2002 from the constituency which at that time was known as Rajkot–II.

Modi, who had campaigned extensively for Gujarat, handed the victory back to the people, saying it indicated "a strong support for politics of good governance and development."

Though these elections saw the emergence of a more confident Rahul Gandhi, ready to take on Modi in the all-too-crucial 2019 general elections, the landslide wins of two youth leaders scripted history on Monday. They may perhaps have also changed the course of the conversation in the state in the days to come. Independent candidate Jignesh Mevani, and Congress's Alpesh Thakor won from Gujarat's Vadgam and Radhanpur constituencies.

A supporter of India's ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) holds a placard as he celebrates outside the party headquarters in New Delhi on December 18, 2017.

Rise Of New Leaders

The youth leaders, faces of the state's oppressed communities, burst into the scene in the run-up to the elections to unitedly fight the Goliath-like saffron party, raising issues of communal polarisation, poverty and oppression.

ALSO READ: Dalit Leader Jignesh Mevani Wins By A Landslide

ALSO READ: 'Fascism Is Fascism. It Will Ruin Our Country'

ALSO READ: Alpesh Thakor Sweeps BJP Bastion Radhanpur

"I express my gratitude to the people of Vadgam for all their support. Now I will raise the voice of Gujarat's discriminated sections in the assembly," Mevani said. Gandhi conceded defeat in both states by congratulating party workers for fighting the elections with dignity.

The celebrations at the BJP office in Gandhinagar were initially low-key as Congress was neck-and-neck an hour after counting began. However as the BJP tally improved — albeit a lower score than its last in the state — the mood picked up among party workers. Chants of "Modi, Modi" rent the air. The PM himself raised two fingers in a victory sign outside Parliament, reassuring workers that the party will pull through despite Congress's close fight.

In Himachal Pradesh, BJP wrested power out of the hands of Congress. BJP is projected to win 44 and Congress 21 seats in the 68-seat legislative assembly.

Acid Test

The assembly elections were being seen as a test for both Modi and Gandhi – the former for poorly-implemented economic measures that caused mass inconvenience, and the latter for coming into his own as a political leader who can not only take on the PM in 2019, but also rally around party workers dispirited after Congress's fall from electoral fortunes in recent times.

Both Modi and Gandhi have exchanged barbs while campaigning. While Gandhi had mocked the PM about implementation of the goods and services tax (GST), calling it the Gabbar Singh Tax, Modi insinuated, without presenting evidence, Pakistani interference in collusion with the Congress in the Gujarat elections.

BJP May Have Won Gujarat And Himachal Pradesh, But Congress Has Every Reason To Celebrate

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Rahul Gandhi, Vice-President of India's main opposition Congress Party, addresses his supporters during an election campaign meeting ahead of the second phase of Gujarat state assembly elections, in Dakor.

With both Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh in its kitty, the BJP has cleared its toughest political hurdle, created by demonetisation, GST, and unkept promises, since it came to power at the Centre three years ago. The party, that has been on a winning streak and has already set the ball rolling for the three north eastern states that go to polls early next year, now controls nearly 70 per cent of India and continues to look invincible.

On the other hand, even in their defeat in Gujarat, the Congress and the Hardik Patel-Alpesh Thakor-Jignesh Mevani trio have also won the battle because they have almost overrun the defence of the Narendra Modi-Amit Shah machinery that was all about State power, money, communal polarisation, and even malevolence. It was not an election fought by the BJP, but by Modi who made it appear like a personal war in which he didn't mind breaking conventions of political decency.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi on the first day of the winter session of Parliament in New Delhi.

More than 40 public meetings by the Prime Minister of the country, who even alleged that the Congress conspired with Pakistan to defeat his party, the presence of almost the entire central cabinet in the state, and the postponement of the winter session of the Parliament were extraordinary measures for a state election; still the Congress managed to wrest 19 precious seats and in many constituencies the fight was very close. Had they started earlier, and been more strategic, probably they could have taken the race down to the wire.

There will be significantly more opposition legislators, more resistance in the assembly, and unprecedentedly fearless voices such as that of Thakor and Mevani on the other side of the line.

Compared to its 115 seats in 2012 in a house of 182, what the BJP now has is just more than a simple majority and in a few seats that would keep it in power, the difference of vote-share is wafer-thin. Still, it's a win indeed and a continuation of undisrupted power for more than two decades. But the ride is not going to be as easy as before. There will be significantly more opposition legislators, more resistance in the assembly, and unprecedentedly fearless voices such as that of Thakor and Mevani on the other side of the line.

Arguably, Gujarat was BJP's biggest political vulnerability since Narendra Modi became the Prime minister for a number of reasons. The natural anti-incumbency built over five continuous terms, a series of remarkable resistance movements such as the Patidar and Dalit agitations, the Patel-Thakor-Mevani combo, the harmful impact of demonetisation and GST on the business and trading communities, and a resurgent Rahul Gandhi, formed a seemingly formidable wall against the BJP-juggernaut; still the party has been able to push forward.

Independent candidate Jignesh Mevani greets people during election campaign on December 10, 2017 in Vadgam.

There's no parallel for this record in Indian history except in West Bengal where the Communists ruled for seven consecutive terms before its eventual disappearance.

For the Congress, Gujarat offers hope not only because it has been able to win more seats than many pollsters predicted, but also because it saw Gandhi coming of age both as a capable leader and as a politician who can convene likeminded pressure groups. While leading the anti-BJP campaign from the front with enormous vigour and purpose, that too not in fits and starts that he has been notorious for, he also offered considerable space for Patel, Thakor and Mevani to push forward with their fearless politics.

Even when Mevani was unwilling to join hands with him, Rahul showed strategic political sagacity and chose to give up a seat where the Congress had a sitting MLA.

And the result? The BJP will now have to face a ferocious Mevani in the assembly, the man who minces no words in slamming the BJP as fascist party. It won't be surprising if Mevani emerges as a national leader who can consolidate the Dalit votes against the BJP. In no other recent election, Modi and Shah faced daring community leaders such as Patel, Thakor and Mevani.

Congress candidate from Radhanpur constituency Alpesh Thakor greets people during election campaign at Radhanpur , on December 11, 2017 in Patan, India.

Had the BJP lost Gujarat, it would have been a major setback because the state is the jewel in its crown. The party's development credo comes from the so called "Gujarat Model" and Modi had created an idea of sub-national pride that any attack against him or the party was dubbed as an attack on Gujarat and vice versa. Modi has been able to take this Gujarati, Hindu majoritarian consciousness even to the diaspora.

Probably, Gujarat may offer a model of caste consolidation to the rest of India against Hindu consolidation, something similar to the Dravidian politics of Tamil Nadu.

In fact, this is where the significance of the inroads made by the rivals lie. The foundation of the Gujarati pride, that appeared to be in oneness with the BJP or Modi, is not as secure as it had been before. The Hindu consolidation looks threatened by the caste interests of the Patidars and the Dalits, and the most vociferous leaders of the BJP such as Amit Shah and Yogi Adityanath are now accusing the rivals of caste polarisation. Probably, Gujarat may offer a model of caste consolidation to the rest of India against Hindu consolidation, something similar to the Dravidian politics of Tamil Nadu. More over, that the BJP's majority came from urban votes, offers something to work on.

Interestingly, the other state, Himachal Pradesh where the BJP won with a significant majority by defeating the incumbent Congress was completely eclipsed by Gujarat. That's the significance of this small state in Indian politics. As West Bengal chief minister Mamta Banerjee said, Gujarat "belled the cat for 2019".

The Congress and opposition parties in different parts of India are indeed tempted by the possibilities of a united opposition. Will it work in 2019? There are eight more assembly elections that are due before that.

(The opinions expressed in this post are the personal views of the author. They do not necessarily reflect the views of HuffPost India. Any omissions or errors are the author's and HuffPost India does not assume any liability or responsibility for them.)

Thanks To Modi and Hindutva, BJP Has Won Gujarat By The Skin Of Its Teeth

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India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi greets his supporters during an election campaign meeting ahead of Gujarat state assembly elections, in Ahmedabad, India, December 3, 2017.

GANDHINAGAR, Gujarat -- The evening before votes were to be counted for the 2017 Assembly election in Gujarat, five young men stopped by the Bharatiya Janata Party office in Gandhinagar, a pit stop on their way from Anand district to Ahmedabad for some sightseeing on Sunday.

When I asked them why they chose to check out a party office on a weekend, the five friends said they supported the BJP, but they loved Modi. A cry of indignation went up when I suggested that Modi had perhaps lost his magic touch – just a tad.

A 22-year-old engineering student said, "Everyone loves Modi like they did before. He has made us proud." His 25-year-old friend told me that his business had suffered due to the Good and Service Tax (GST) but he was willing to make the sacrifice. "Yes, the trader community is unhappy but they will see that it is good for the country in the long-run," he said. "BJP will win thanks to Modi."

On Monday, the BJP won Gujarat for the sixth time "thanks to Modi," whose persisting appeal and resilience have once again carried his party to victory.

The prime minister held 34 rallies in 15 days across the length and breadth of the state, campaigning on the triple track of development, fighting corruption and Hindutva. His masterstroke, however, was making the election personal. In rally after rally, the prime minister evoked Gujarati pride. In the narrative that Modi forged, he was the "son of the soil" and the people of Gujarat would not tolerate the forces that opposed him.

It left many Gujaratis feeling that not voting for the BJP would be their personal betrayal of Modi, the guy they had sent to Delhi.

By The Skin Of Its Teeth

By winning Himachal Pradesh and Gujarat today, the BJP has planted its saffron flag in 19 out of 29 states in the country. While there is no denying that the Hindu nationalist party is now more powerful than at any other time in its history, a closer look at the numbers shows just how close the BJP came to losing its bastion.

A loss in the PM's home state had the potential of altering the BJP's fortunes before the 2019 national election, but as it so happens, the party managed to win the 2017 Gujarat Assembly election by the skin of its teeth.

For the first time since it came to power in 1995, the BJP has won less than 100 seats in the state. The Hindu nationalist party won 99 out of 182 seats in the state legislature, falling way short of the 150-target set by party president Amit Shah.

The BJP won by seven seats more than the 92 seats required to get a majority, with as many as 16 seats having been won by a margin of 3000 votes or less. In the three constituencies of Godhra, Dholka and Botad, the Congress has lost by margins as low as 258, 327 and 906 respectively.

In Saurashtra-Kutch, the epicenter of the Patidar agitation, the BJP won 23 of 54 seats from the region, with the Congress taking 30. In 2012, the BJP had won 35 out of 54 seats in the region.

The Congress is also closing in on BJP's vote share in Gujarat.

The Congress increased its vote share by 2.5 percent from 38.9 percent in 2012 to 41.4 percent in 2017. The BJP, meanwhile, has increased its vote share by 1.2 percent from 47.9 percent in 2012 to 49.1 percent in 2017.

The difference between the vote shares of the two parties in 2017 is 7.7 percent as compared to nine percent in 2012.

It is also worth noting that five sitting ministers of the Gujarat government lost their seats to the Congress in the state election, including two cabinet ministers Atmaram Parmar and Chimanbhai Sapariya.

READ: Jignesh Mevani Interview: 'Fascism Is Fascism. It Will Ruin Our Country If We Stay Silent

Modi is not infallible

Modi, when he decided to run for the 2014 Lok Sabha election, changed the game, making electoral contests more personality driven. For the first time, Modi appears to be on the receiving end of the trend that he set.

In the past two years, other "sons of the soil", namely Hardik Patel of the Patidar community, Dalit leader Jignesh Mevani and Alpesh Thakor, the face of the Other Backward Classes (OBC), have emerged as personailities who can move people. Not only have they mobilized sections of their communities against BJP, the three youth leaders took Modi head-on, stripping away his larger-than-life image.

While Mevani and Thakor have both won from their respective constituencies, 24-year-old Patel was too young to contest the election. An oft-repeated sentiment here is that Patel actually running for the election would have made it even harder for the BJP to win.

Modi is still the undisputed leader of Gujarat, whose speeches can make or break elections. Only he can win the 2019 election for the BJP. But the emergence of the new set of leaders has busted the narrative of his infallibility, which is especially significant in a state where Modi is looked on with a kind of reverence.

Meanwhile, Congress President Rahul Gandhi has emerged from this bruising campaign as a matured avatar of his former self, who was widely ridiculed as "Pappu," a term which seems to be have been relegated to the past.

In fact, in addition to Modi himself, the BJP had to deploy its arsenal of popular leaders and powerful leaders, including Hindutva firebrand Yogi Adityanath, to counter the new and improved Gandhi and the three newbies. But not everyone has been impressed by the BJP's performance.

Last week, HuffPost Indiareported on one BJP loyalist who chose the Congress for the first time in the 26 years that he has voted.

Jitender Singh, a 44-year-old government school teacher from the Rajput community, told me that there was nothing which either Modi or the BJP had said and done which had moved him in the slightest. Singh voted for the Congress because the party in its manifesto promised to end the contract system in government jobs and make contract workers permanent.

With its veteran leaders taking a beating in this election and Modi's appeal showing at least early signs of wear and tear, the BJP might want to ask itself who and what comes next.

READ: Win, Lose Or Draw, Rahul Gandhi Has Emerged Stronger From Gujarat

Hindutva Game On

Eventually, the BJP played the Hindutva card not once but multiple times during the course of the campaign. There was nothing subtle about the polarizing remarks which reinforced the idea that voting against the BJP somehow makes one less patriotic and is a betrayal of all things Hindu.

In Uttar Pradesh, Modi had limited his communal remarks to a rally in Fatehpur where he said, "If there is electricity in the graveyard and during Ramzan, it must be available in a crematorium and during Delhi. There should be no discrimination."

In Gujarat, however, Modi was relentless and his remarks were seen to lower the the dignity of the prime minister's office. After he had compared Rahul Gandhi's elevation to the "Aurangzeb Raj," Modi claimed that Pakistan was interfering with the state polls.

Even Singh, the BJP loyalist who has always admired Modi, found it nonsensical. "Pata nahin kya keh rahen hain," he said. (I don't know what he is on about).

Also read: Congress Can Never Hijack Hindutva From The BJP, Says Gujarat's Deputy CM

In The Age Of Competitive Hindutva Politics, Young Muslims Want A Hardik Patel Of Their Own

'Muslim Vote? Does Muslim Life Even Matter In India,' Asks A Gujarati Doctor On Election Day

Also on HuffPost India:


Will Smith On Harvey Weinstein, Netflix's 'Bright', And Examining Racism Through A Racist's Lens

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Will Smith attends the European Premeire of 'Bright' held at BFI Southbank on December 15, 2017 in London, England.

After hopping from Sao Polo to London to Mumbai, all in a span of a week, Will Smith knows a thing or two about combatting jet lag.

At the cozy conference room of the St.Regis in Mumbai's downtown area, the Independence Day actor looks dapper, his face and demeanour revealing no hints of a tedious transatlantic journey, part of the press tour of his upcoming Netflix film.

"What I'll tell you about jet lag is -- don't fight it. Just sleep, even if it's in the middle of the day and you'll be fine," he says rubbing his face. "This glow, this is all thanks to fruits and berries," he says, laughing emphatically at his own Dad joke. "No, seriously, I got a good rest yesterday. That's the trick."

Smith is in Mumbai to attend the Indian premiere of Bright, a fantasy crime thriller, directed by David Ayer (Suicide Squad, End of Watch). The film is set in a futuristic era, where humans live along with creatures such as Orcs, Elves, and Brights. There is a mysterious Dark Lord ("it's not like we're hinting at Donald Trump or anything" Smith jokes), whose rise could lead to imminent disaster and whose resurrection, aided by the sinister Leilah (a woefully underused Noomi Rapace) must be prevented by Smith and his partner, Joel Edgerton's Nick Jackoby, an Orc.

Although largely comedic in its treatment, the film's racial undertones are fairly evident and it's fascinating to see a Black actor play a racist cop to Orcs, a marginalized race in the film's universe. To examine racism through the lens of the perpetuator and not victim, would've given Smith an insight he otherwise wouldn't have been familiar with.

"It was such an interesting flip," Smith tells the gathered journalists, pausing for a few seconds. "It gave me room to explore the idea from a different angle. It just familiarised me with the psychological perspective of superiority," Smith says.

"It also gave me a window into the constant struggle of comparative superiority. Everybody wants to feel better than somebody else. Even a fight against racism is laced with the individual need to feel superior to somebody else. Both sides want to win and it can only come at the cost of making someone feel inferior."

Will Smith and Joel Edgerton in a still from 'Bright'

It's unlikely that a film as expensive ($90 million) and as R-Rated as Bright would have found a home in the legacy studios. Both director David Ayer and Smith have spoken about how it wouldn't be possible to make the film the way it has been made, with a traditional Hollywood studio.

Smith also acknowledges the role of technology in enabling racial inclusivity. However, he's gotten a bit weary of the way the term 'diversity' has been bastardized.

He thinks the very sound of the term feels like a threat to white male actors, who perhaps believe that having a 'diverse' cast would mean having acting jobs for everyone other than them.

"For the first time, I understood, the negative reaction to the word diversity. We say diversity as if we mean equality. Diversity means 'I'm gonna use this term for me to get higher than you.' When a white male actor hears the word diversity, he thinks it means, 'hire anybody but a white male.' It's almost threatening to them. It's only after playing this character, who is racist, did I realize the complicated struggle of racial superiority," he says.

"To me, the whole situation has been bizarre. I have a 17-year-old daughter who has grown up with men she trusts and she doesn't even comprehend the idea of predatory behavior."

Smith also speaks about the way technology has enabled in mobilizing social movements, including the recent #MeToo campaign, that revealed the magnitude of sexual abuse faced by women across sections.

In the post-Weinstein era, where a number of powerful men are losing jobs because of a history of sexual misconduct, how does he assess his role as one of the most successful actors in Hollywood? Was he aware of any of these transgressions? What is he doing to ensure a safe environment for women on the sets of his film? Smith shifts in his chair, before addressing the query.

"To me, the whole situation has been bizarre. I have a 17-year-old daughter who has grown up with men she trusts and she doesn't even comprehend the idea of predatory behavior."

He says he has been discussing the Weinstein scandal with his co-star Joel Edgerton and has been trying to process the magnitude of the situation.

"We have been talking about this for a while and I have been really thinking about it. And my reaction is -- I don't know these guys. As I am hearing some of the things people will do, I just go -- who would do such a thing? Who does that? Maybe I am naive. But to schedule a meeting with someone and when the person shows up, you are in a bathrobe? Man, who does that? Honestly, I don't know those guys. I have a lot of male friends but (none like these...) But I support the women who've spoken out."

Also see on HuffPost:

Exclusive: Meryl Streep Responds To Rose McGowan’s Criticism

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Artist and activist Rose McGowan on Saturday tweeted criticism of Meryl Streep, indicating the actress had been willing to work with producer Harvey Weinstein for years after he had gained a reputation for being a sexual predator and saying that the plan to protest sexual misconduct in Hollywood by wearing black to the Golden Globes rang hollow.

In the tweet, which has since been deleted, McGowan said, “Actresses, like Meryl Streep, who happily worked for The Pig Monster, are wearing black @goldenglobes in a silent protest. YOUR SILENCE is THE problem. You’ll accept a fake award breathlessly & affect no real chance. I despise your hypocrisy. Maybe you should all wear Marchesa.”

In a statement sent to HuffPost by her publicist, Leslee Dart, Streep said:

“It hurt to be attacked by Rose McGowan in banner headlines this weekend, but I want to let her know I did not know about Weinstein’s crimes, not in the 90s when he attacked her, or through subsequent decades when he proceeded to attack others.

I wasn’t deliberately silent. I didn’t know. I don’t tacitly approve of rape. I didn’t know.  I don’t like young women being assaulted. I didn’t know this was happening.

I don’t know where Harvey lives, nor has he ever been to my home.

I have never in my life been invited to his hotel room.

I have been to his office once, for a meeting with Wes Craven for “Music of the Heart” in 1998.

HW distributed movies I made with other people.

HW was not a filmmaker; he was often a producer, primarily a marketer of films made by other people- some of them great, some not great. But not every actor, actress, and director who made films that HW distributed knew he abused women, or that he raped Rose in the 90s, other women before and others after, until they told us. We did not know that women’s silence was purchased by him and his enablers.

HW needed us not to know this, because our association with him bought him credibility, an ability to lure young, aspiring women into circumstances where they would be hurt.

He needed me much more than I needed him and he made sure I didn’t know. Apparently he hired ex Mossad operators to protect this information from becoming public. Rose and the scores of other victims of these powerful, moneyed, ruthless men face an adversary for whom Winning, at any and all costs, is the only acceptable outcome. That’s why a legal defense fund for victims is currently being assembled to which hundreds of good hearted people in our business will contribute, to bring down the bastards, and help victims fight this scourge within.

Rose assumed and broadcast something untrue about me, and I wanted to let her know the truth. Through friends who know her, I got my home phone number to her the minute I read the headlines. I sat by that phone all day yesterday and this morning, hoping to express both my deep respect for her and others’ bravery in exposing the monsters among us, and my sympathy for the untold, ongoing pain she suffers. No one can bring back what entitled bosses like Bill O’Reilly, Roger Ailes, and HW took from the women who endured attacks on their bodies and their ability to make a living.. And I hoped that she would give me a hearing. She did not, but I hope she reads this.

I am truly sorry she sees me as an adversary, because we are both, together with all the women in our business, standing in defiance of the same implacable foe: a status quo that wants so badly to return to the bad old days, the old ways where women were used, abused and refused entry into the decision-making, top levels of the industry. That’s where the cover-ups convene. Those rooms must be disinfected, and integrated, before anything even begins to change.”

Marchesa is the fashion line that Weinstein started with his wife, Georgina Chapman. Chapman has come under fire for what some say is complicit behavior, staying silent as dozens of women have come forward to accuse Weinstein of sexual misconduct, including rape.

Why Phrases Like 'Daddy Daycare' Have Got To Go

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I listened the other day as my husband told a friend he had to rearrange a work call because he’d be watching our son. “Daddy daycare, eh?” his colleague replied.

My husband laughed. It’s not the first time he’s heard that expression, or even the fifth, I imagine. But every time I hear it, I’m struck by how wrong it sounds. He does an equal share of the caring for our child, and then some. My job has fairly set hours; his offers more flexibility, so he is the parent who picks up our son at preschool every afternoon. And he is often the one getting dinner ready while I’m commuting home.

This does not make him any kind of superhero, Mr. Mom, or any of the taunts that the angry men of the internet have for those they deem insufficiently manly. It means he is a dad. But even if we didn’t split caregiving responsibilities, he wouldn’t be the backup parent simply because of his sex. So why is the time he spends keeping our toddler alive labeled “daddy duty,” “daddy daycare,” or my least favorite — “babysitting” — whereas what I do is just called parenting?

Do any of these descriptions rank among the great insults in history? No, but they do seep into — and ultimately limit — how we understand modern fatherhood in ways that do not benefit anybody. Here’s why it’s finally time for those kinds of phrases to go:

1. They’re simply not based in reality.

Gone are the days when dads worked and moms stayed home with the kids — as are the days when a “family” meant a two-parent, heterosexual household with one or more biological children. Nowadays, just a quarter of couples with kids live in a family in which the dad is the only one who works, compared to 1970 when that was true for almost half of families. And fewer than half of kids in this country live in a “traditional” household with two heterosexual, married parents. Fathers also spend triple the number of hours parenting as they did in 1965 according to the Pew Research Center (though generally still not quite as much as mothers). The number of dads who stay home with their children has doubled since the 1980s.   

On an emotional level, dads take parenting every bit as seriously as moms do. Fifty-seven percent of dads say parenthood is central to their identity, much like 58 percent of moms — and millennial fathers are more likely to say parenting is a core part of who they are than Baby Boomers. So the notion that moms are the primary parents and dads are just the stand-ins falls short at a practical level as well as on a gut, personal one.  

2. Phrases like “daddy daycare” perpetuate the stereotype of the bumbling, hands-off dad.

A 2016 study looking at how expectant mothers and fathers are influenced by TV portrayals of fatherhood led to some intriguing findings: 1) TV dads are often portrayed as clueless and incompetent; 2) they’re never really asked to get better at parenting; and 3) real first-time dads who watched a fair amount of TV had a negative view about fathers’ importance to childhood development. 

Though there hasn’t been research looking specifically at how phrases like “daddy daycare” influence stereotypes, there’s reason to believe they also shape perceptions of gender roles at home.

“That related body of work would lead me to believe that yes, the way we talk about men as parents versus women as parents has an effect on how men and women actually enact those roles in families,” Sarah Schoppe-Sullivan, a professor of Human Sciences and Psychology at Ohio State University and a faculty associate of the Crane Center for Early Childhood Research and Policy, told HuffPost. Particularly because fathers’ roles are less socially scripted than women’s roles, she argued, and because they are, to a certain extent, in flux. 

That’s not all. Schoppe-Sullivan worked on a study that found on non-workdays, dads tend to relax while women do chores, whereas when men are watching the children or doing chores, women help out. Talking about fatherhood as though it’s a finite, limited thing can absolutely contribute to the sense that moms are always on the clock whereas dads are just on call.

“All you have to do is say, ‘Do we say ‘mommy duty’ or ‘mommy daycare?’ No, it doesn’t make any sense,” Schoppe-Sullivan said. “That, right there, that’s the face validity of it. At the very minimum, those phrases reflect that gender roles haven’t become egalitarian in terms of parenting. But do they also then continue to contribute to that state of affairs? I think they do.”

3. Words shape policy.

For every person annoyed by phrases like “daddy daycare” there’s another ready to rail against an “overly politically correct” culture that takes offense at just about anything (hello, Facebook commenters!). But language shapes public perception, and public perception drives public policy.

“If those perceptions are pervasive, that you know, basically, parenting work is assumed for mothers regardless of whatever else they’re doing — you know, they could be CEOs working 60, 70, 80 hours a week — but it’s assumed it’s optional for fathers, that perception also shapes policy,” said Schoppe-Sullivan.

“When we, and I hope we do, decide to give paid parental leave, are we going to give that to mothers? Are we going to give it to fathers? Are we going to do something equal or something different for mothers and fathers?” she asked. “Those types of things will then feed back into interactions in real families and how mothers and fathers are able to negotiate with each other regarding gender roles and parenting.”

Case in point: When President Donald Trump spoke about paid leave on the campaign trail, he promised maternity leave, but not family leave. That changed when he unveiled his proposed budget, but it’s still easy to see how talking about dads as though their role isn’t as important can influence the structures and systems that shape how they parent.

All of which is why, hopefully, phrases like “daddy daycare” will stay behind in 2017. 

Also on HuffPost
Great Quotes About Fatherhood

Women At The New York Times Feel Neglected, Frustrated As Paper Stands By Reporter Accused Of Sexual Misconduct

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The decision to retain Glenn Thrush came after a lengthy internal investigation into allegations of sexual misconduct, first detailed last month by Vox.com’s editorial director.

One week before announcing that star reporter Glenn Thrush would be getting a second chance at The New York Times after being suspended over sexual misconduct allegations, the paper released the results of an internal job-satisfaction survey.

While nearly all the employees surveyed said they’re proud to work at the Times, there were a couple of trouble spots. A glaring one: career development. Many staffers said they weren’t sure what they needed to do to continue to move upward at the Times.The paper’s editors copped to the problem at two all-hands meetings held the day before the Thrush announcement.

For women at the paper, the two developments bundled together sent a demoralizing message. “They announce this big failure in career development,” said a female reporter who declined to be named because she didn’t want to jeopardize her job, “and then the first thing they do is protect Glenn Thrush.”

The decision to retain the 50-year-old White House reporter came after a lengthy internal investigation into the allegations of sexual misconduct, first detailed last month by Vox.com’s editorial director. Times executive editor Dean Baquet announced in a statement Wednesday that Thrush would not be fired, though it allowed that he had “behaved in ways that we do not condone.” Instead, he’ll be reassigned to a new beat once his suspension ends next month.

The announcement set off a wave of indignation among Times observers, who thought it sent a message that the paper condones sexual misconduct and isn’t concerned about the safety of its female employees. But among the female Times employees who spoke to HuffPost, the takeaway was less about the dangers of sexual misbehavior and more about who actually matters at the paper.

“We’re not really sure what the message is here,” one woman told HuffPost. “I feel really conflicted.” Another lamented that while the Times took careful steps to nurture and protect its star male reporter, there were loads of women struggling to get help with flat-lining careers inside the newsroom. For her, the Thrush decision was another painful reminder of how the Times is failing its female reporters.

Every woman who works at the Times has to go to work tomorrow knowing that that’s the decision they made,” Kate Harding, who hosts the Feminasty podcast, tweeted Wednesday. “That’s whose career matters. That’s who they’ll go the extra mile for.”

A female reporter at the Times said she saw that tweet and a lightbulb went off.

“Women here feel like they’re being overlooked,” she said. And she’s not alone in feeling that way ― a fact the Times itself acknowledged in one of the slides in the survey presentation, which read: “On career development, staff don’t have a clear sense of their goals or available resources.” (The Times did not sort results by gender.)

The Times also noted that 34 percent of those surveyed marked “unfavorable” when asked if they had discussed career objectives with a manager over the last 12 months. Only 42 percent of respondents said they understood what to do to advance their career at the paper. Sixty-three percent of employees responded to the survey.

The survey also showed that staffers think the Times is failing to adequately communicate with employees and make swift decisions.

The Times says the findings demonstrate that the paper is doing great. “The survey shows that an overwhelming majority of our employees feel highly engaged and deeply connected to the mission of the Times,” Carolyn Ryan, assistant managing editor, told HuffPost in an emailed statement. “Those numbers would be the envy of any company in any industry.”

“They also show that employees want to build their careers here, and they want better guidance and training to do so,” she said, adding they want to create “pathways” for growth. And because of the Times’ expansion into multimedia like podcasts and video, there are more ways to advance than ever before.

Baquet said in his statement that he believed Thrush’s punishment ― which is how the paper views its decision ― was appropriate, and concluded by affirming the paper’s belief in a respectful work environment. “The Times is committed not only to our leading coverage of this issue,” he wrote. “But also to ensuring that we provide a working environment where all of our colleagues feel respected, safe and supported.”

While there are certainly superstar women at the Times — among them Donald Trump whisperer Maggie Haberman, who frequently collaborated with Thrush, as well as Jodi Kantor and Megan Twohey, who wrote the investigation into Harvey Weinstein — there are others who feel they are being left behind.

(In a devastating loss, Janet Elder, a three-decade veteran at the Times, died Wednesday night. She was one of the highest-ranking women on the masthead and by all accounts one of the biggest champions for women in the newsroom.)

“Dean Baquet has no idea what I’m capable of,” the second female reporter said, adding that there are lot of women in similar positions. “They’re wasting talent and resources,” she said.

The reporter clarified that she didn’t think Thrush deserved to be fired, and other staffers echoed that opinion. “Seems absolutely fair to me,” a third female staffer told HuffPost about keeping Thrush on. “The investigation was very thorough and conducted by a female lawyer.” (Charlotte Behrendt, a lawyer in the newsroom, led the investigation, according to the Times.)

Taking Thrush off the White House beat makes sense, too, she said. “Anyone who covers Trump has to be extra-squeaky clean.” 

I am definitely in a situation where I feel totally neglected and deprived in a way that affects me more than the sexual stuff." A woman staff member at the Times, on career development

As to whether or not women at the Times are now in danger of being harassed by Thrush, she said: “If women at the Times had been harassed by him I’ve no doubt they would’ve spoken up.” She added, “The Times is a pretty sexless place. There’s no flirting.”

The third staffer said the problem with senior leadership ignoring staffers’ career development is less about gender and more about a general obsession with stardom, which leads others to languish at the paper. “I am definitely in a situation where I feel totally neglected and deprived in a way that affects me more than the sexual stuff,” she said.

She pointed to Thrush. The Times brought him in from Politico, where he was already an established name. “There were probably 10 reporters internally who wanted the job of White House correspondent and would’ve done a great job,” she said, “but they had to have the name.”

The Times is well aware of its problems with newsroom diversity. Sixty-one percent of bylines in the front section of the paper are still male, according to the Women’s Media Center. Last December, Liz Spayd, then public editor at the Times, wrote that interviews with staffers across the newsroom left her with the impression that there was “a level of frustration bordering on anger [regarding the newsroom’s lack of diversity] that would be institutionally reckless not to address.”

Over the past year, at least seven women of color have left the paper, including LaSharah Bunting, who went to the Knight Foundation; Rachel Swarns, who went to New York University; book critic Michiko Kakutani, who retired; and Catherine Saint Louis. Last year, masthead editor Lydia Polgreen left the paper to become the editor-in-chief of HuffPost. At a recent all-hands meeting, Baquet addressed the issue frankly, one source at the Times said.

So did New York Times Company CEO Mark Thompson, publisher Arthur Ochs Sulzberger Jr. and Ellen C. Shultz, executive vice president of talent and inclusion, in a letter sent out last week. “Employees throughout the organization told us that we have to do more as a company to build a workplace that feels fair, diverse and inclusive to all,” they wrote. “This is an area the leadership is actively focusing on and we will share a specific action plan in the first few months of 2018.”

While 95 percent of survey respondents said they were proud to work for the Times, 13 percent said it was likely they would leave the paper for another job in the next 12 months, up 8 percentage points from 2015, according to one of the company’s slides. Among some women, that feeling appears to have intensified this week.

“Are women welcome here?” asked a female staffer. “Is anything going to change? Should I be looking somewhere else? I don’t know. Those are definitely questions that I’m asking myself.”

Here’s the letter that was sent out internally to Times staffers:

Dear Colleagues,

This year, 63 percent of employees across the company took the 2017 Employee Survey. We’re pleased that so many of you felt it was worthwhile to participate and are particularly gratified that a large number of people added thoughtful and sometimes though-provoking comments.

The survey is an important way for the company’s leaders to hear from you about your experiences at The Times. After all, it’s your talent, commitment and passion that allows us to fulfill our mission and meet our business goals. We want to ensure that our workplace is supportive of you.

This deck includes survey results at the company-wide level, as well as an overview of actions we have taken and will take in response. Results specific to your departments will be shared by your managers.

There was some good news across the organization as a whole. We received high scores in engagement, company strategy and individual relationships with managers. This is not a surprise to us; these are areas where we have consistently performed well. One fact worth point out is that 95 percent of our employees take prides in working at The Times. We’re a mission-driven organization and it’s gratifying that almost every employee places such a high value on that mission.

But there were trouble areas as well, particularly in career development, speed and agility and communication. We have fared poorly in the past in these same areas and it’s a priority of the company’s leadership to quickly address them. Many of the major changes we’ve made over the last year ― such as the reorganization of much of the business side ― are aimed at improving on these fronts.  These are also a few slides with specific action items devoted to these in the attached deck.

Another area of concern to many of you ― and to the company’s leaders ― is diversity and inclusion. Employees throughout the organization told us that we have to do more as a company to build a workplace that feels fair, diverse and inclusive to all. This is an area the leadership is actively focusing on and we will share a specific action plan in the first few months of 2018.

In the meantime, we’re committing ourselves to conducting this survey annually and to continue reporting back results. We’re also establishing a way for you to provide your comments or concerns about workplaces issues ― or anything else ― on an ongoing basis. Also, today we launched Talk to the Times, a new way for employees to share thoughts and ideas with senior management. You may submit your questions anonymously or, if you wish, include your name and contact information. Our responses to your ideas and concerns will be regularly posted on InSite.

Thank you again to everyone who participated. We really can’t say enough how important you feedback is to us.

Mark, Arthur and Ellen

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Val Kilmer Opens Up About 2-Year Battle With Throat Cancer

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Actor Val Kilmer says his two-year battle with throat cancer has changed his outlook on life for the better.

Although the disease and a procedure on his trachea have rendered him short of breath and reduced his voice to a rasp, the 57-year-old actor says he has a better attitude than earlier in his career, when he was starring in blockbuster movies like “The Doors” and “Batman Forever.”

“I was too serious,” Kilmer told The Hollywood Reporter. “I’d get upset when things like Oscars and recognition failed to come my way.”

Kilmer doesn’t deny he likes the thought of being top gun in Hollywood.

“I would like to have more Oscars than anybody,” he said. “Meryl Streep must feel pretty good, you know? It must feel nice to know that everyone loves her. It’s about being loved.”

Kilmer’s cancer had been the subject of rumors for months, and he denied it whenever it came up. Michael Douglas publicly revealed Kilmer’s cancer battle in October 2016, but Kilmer released a statement saying the “Wall Street” star was “misinformed.” 

Kilmer finally admitted he was battling cancer in May in a Reddit AMA chat: 

I did have a healing of cancer, but my tongue is still swollen altho healing all the time. Because I don’t sound my normal self yet people think I may still be under the weather.” 

These days, Kilmer said he’s more interested in family than fame.

Kilmer’s two kids with ex-wife Joanne Whalley, an actress he met while starring in Ron Howard’s 1988 film, “Willow,” are both actors, and Kilmer said he tries to impart life lessons to them.

“Fame is sort of a mess,” Kilmer said. “You get treated differently, but it doesn’t have anything to do with who you actually are.”

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